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Note: The following article is a highly summarized version of the original. For more comprehensive articles and quotations from ancient sources in their original language (such as Ancient Greek, Latin, Medieval Arabic, Early Modern Castilian) accompanied by novel and unprecedented transcriptions and translations with commentaries, please visit the main articles corresponding to each section. You can find links to these articles below the heading of each respective section. Origin of the ancient Canarians Main article: Identity of the ancient Canarian aboriginals According to Friar Alonso de Espinosa's writings in the late 16th century, the Guanches, the inhabitants of Achineche (Tenerife), believed that sixty individuals arrived on the island in ancient times, but their origin was unknown. They settled near Icod and referred to their dwelling as Alzanxiquian abcanahac xerac, meaning "Place of the assembly of the son of the great one" in their language. This folklore reflects the Guanches' understanding of their ancestral history. Identity Despite popularly being called Guanches, this gentilic only refers to the ancient inhabitants of Tenerife. Research suggests that the ancient Canarians, including the Guanches, were of Berber origin from North Africa. Evidence such as genetic markers and shared cultural traits supports this theory. The Canarians had a writing system known as Libyco-Berber and possessed similar pottery, tools, and weaponry to contemporary Berbers. Pliny the Elder, based on accounts from Juba II, describes a Mauretanian expedition in approximately 50 BC that encountered ruins of structures on the Canary Islands. Interestingly, no population was found during the expedition. This raises questions about the possibility of other inhabitants existing on the islands before the arrival of the Canarian Berbers or whether the expedition simply did not thoroughly explore the islands. The arrival of the ancient inhabitants to the Canary Islands is still a mystery. They could have been motivated by the expansion of civilizations like the Phoenicians or Carthaginians in their homeland. It's possible they were a rebellious tribe or intentionally relocated to establish a base outside the Mediterranean. One theory suggests the islands were initially settled by the Canarii tribe of Berbers from present-day Morocco. According to an aboriginal legend, they believed they were descended from distant royalty. The precise method of their arrival remains uncertain, but some speculate they may have traveled independently. Despite limited navigational knowledge during the Castilian conquest in the 15th century, the aboriginals of Gran Canaria managed to construct boats using dragon trees and stone ballast, allowing them to fish and conduct raids on neighboring islands. However, the Canarii of Pliny are most likely to be equated with another tribe from the Moroccan Atlas. It must be noted that the term "Canarii" were given this name due to the belief that they shared the same diet as dogs, called "canēs" in Latin. Whereas the Canary Islands owe their name to the multitude of large dogs that Juba’s expedition encountered on the islands. Therefore, the etymology of the name of the Canarii from the Atlas differs from that of the island of Canaria, which has been equated to Gran Canaria. Indeed, different islands of the Canaries, with little contact (perhaps none) between them, worshiped demonic entities which resembled ferocious woolly dogs. In Tenerife they were called Jucancha; in Gran Canaria they were known as Tibicenas; in La Palma they were referred to as Iruene; and lastly, in La Gomera they were known as Hirguan, which incidentally were bipedal. However, according to other scholars, the etymology for the Canary Islands is derived from a Berber term meaning “large front” or “battle front.” However, the present writer believes this to not be accurate, as the ancient authors had already named one of the Fortunate Isles Canaria, and could not have derived this from any local language as they claim they did not encounter natives. Either way, the aboriginals of the Canary Islands inhabited the archipelago for around 2000 years, and archaeological, linguistic, epigraphic and genetic evidence points out they were Berber in origin. Above, the drastically different environments the Berbers encountered in the Canary Islands upon their arrival. The archipelago consists of seven large and several smaller islands, all of which are volcanic in origin. They lie in the path of the north-east trade winds that carry moisture. The winds create distinct microclimates on the taller and newer islands of the West as a result, and their windward side is heavily covered in pine tree forests and laurisilva. In the East however, the lower, older and eroded islands no longer reach the moisture carried by the winds and are effectively desert. When they reached the islands The time of arrival to the archipelago is not certain. Isolated radiocarbon dates obtained are not equal on all islands of the archipelago. For example, the site of Buenavista in Lanzarote has produced a C-14 dating of the 10th century BCE, a quite early date which would make sense considering the proximity of the island to the African coast. On Tenerife, the oldest dates yielded by C-14 are from the 5th century BCE, and perhaps as far back as 600 BCE, a date obtained by indirect datations from Cueva de los Guanches. In the case of La Palma, the oldest date obtained was the 3rd century BCE. However, some of the dating is disputed by some scholars. The oldest reliable date that radio-carbon dating has yielded is the last quarter of the 1st century BCE. How they reached the islands There are different theories about how the ancient Canarians arrived on the Canary Islands. Some scholars believe they came on their own, possibly due to pressure from civilizations like the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, or Romans in northwest Africa. Others suggest they were deported by another civilization. Regardless, the first settlers engaged in a true colonization, bringing goats, sheep, pigs, dogs, and seeds, which formed the foundation for later livestock and agriculture development. Late Medieval historians did not encounter boats or aboriginals fishing in the Canary Islands, leading some scholars to propose that the ancient Canarians were deported by the Romans as a result of uprisings and conflicts, a practice that was commonly done by empires throughout Antiquity. However, the present writer is of the opinion that the Berbers were not deported to the islands by another civilisation due to the following reasons. Evidence suggests that Berbers inhabited the islands before the Roman annexation of Mauretania, ruling out Roman involvement in a potential deportation. Also, only Lanzarote and Islote de Lobos have yielded evidence of Roman presence. The possibility of Phoenician or Carthaginian visits to the islands also lacks strong evidence. And most importantly, the three westernmost islands of the Canaries were apparently not known by ancient authors, but were inhabited by Berbers nonetheless. Instead, this writer suggests mere desire for expansion or conflicts and slave trade as a possible cause for Berbers to migrate away from powerful Mediterranean civilisations by their own means. The proximity of the Canaries to the Saharan coastline, visible in clear weather, could have intrigued adventurous Berbers living on the desert's edge and motivated them to set sail. Fishing was another source of food, and contact with thalassocratic civilizations like the Greeks, Phoenicians, or Carthaginians, who had nearby colonies and navigation expertise, may have influenced the coastal Berbers' navigational skills. Therefore, it is possible that the Berbers reached the islands without intervention from other civilizations. In fact, historical accounts mention the natives of Gran Canaria crafting boats for fishing and raiding neighboring islands. There is evidence of successive waves of migration to the Canary Islands, possibly resulting from the progressive desertification of the Sahara Desert. As the Berbers adapted to their new lands, their need for navigation diminished, leading subsequent generations to lose the skills of boat crafting and navigation, explaining the lack of vessels during the Castilian conquest. Physical appearance The Canary Islands, often referred to as the Fortunate Isles in ancient geographical writings, were mentioned by Pliny the Elder, Strabo, and other ancient authors. However, they provided little information about the people who inhabited these islands. It is believed that Andalusian seafarers, known as the Muġarrirūn or "intrepid explorers," may have visited the Canary Islands. According to Muḥammad al-ʾIdrīsī, these explorers encountered people with red skin, straight hair, and impressive height. The women were described as extraordinarily beautiful. Later medieval historians described the inhabitants as tall, robust, and strong, with attractive facial features. Friar Alonso de Espinosa mentioned that the people from the Southern band had a toasted and tanned complexion, while those from the Northern band were white. The women were described as beautiful, blonde, and with lovely hair. The ancient Gomerans, as described by Torriani, were tall, strong, agile, bellicose, and idolaters. The Canarian aboriginals were also praised by the 16th to 17th century poet Antonio de Viana for their valor, strength, agility, noble demeanor, and love for their homeland. Genetic studies have provided insights into the phenotype of the aboriginals, suggesting lactose intolerance, dark hair, medium to fair skin color, and brown eyes. Sexual dimorphism was apparent, with men ranging in height from 164 to 170 cm and women between 152 and 158 cm. In certain regions, where isolation was prevalent, the height difference between men and women was less pronounced. Research indicates that the Guanches' life expectancy ranged from 30 to 45 years, but those belonging to the nobility, who had better nutrition and engaged in less physical exertion, could live up to 65 years. Archaeological evidence suggests that the ancient Canarians can be categorized into two morphological types: Proto-Mediterranean and Mechtoid. The Iberomaurusian type had robust features and shorter stature, while the Proto-Mediterranean type had a more gracile face and taller stature. These traits indicate a possible lineage from Iberomaurusians and later Capsians. Skull of a Bimbache woman (from Eceró, i.e. El Hierro) with Proto-Mediterranean traits. 3D model created with photogrammetry. Skull of a Benahoarite man (from Benahoare, i.e. La Palma) with Mechtoid traits. 3D model created with photogrammetry. The Mechtoid phenotype and Iberomaurusian affinity The Mechtoid phenotype is associated with the Iberomaurusians, who bear resemblance to the Cro-Magnon and had a unique practice of extracting central incisors. It was initially believed that the Iberomaurusians migrated from Iberia and Mauretania into North Africa and eventually reached the Canary Islands. However, current research suggests that the Iberomaurusians developed locally and may have derived from the Aterian culture in northwest Africa. Both the Iberomaurusians and Aterian culture represent anatomically modern Homo sapiens and share similarities with the Jebel Irhoud specimens from western Morocco. The Proto-Mediterranean phenotype and Capsian affinity The Proto-Mediterranean phenotype is associated with the Capsian culture. The Capsians emerged around 8,000 years ago and gradually replaced the Iberomaurusians. They originated in the Ouled Naïl Mountains of Algeria and the Aurès Mountains of Algeria and Tunisia. The Capsians were known for their decorative art, including figurative and abstract rock art, as well as the use of ceramic with geometric motifs similar to present-day body adornment. They used ostrich eggshells for making beads and containers and incorporated seashells into their necklaces. While the Iberomaurusian practice of extracting central incisors continued sporadically among the Capsians, it became less common over time. Genetics A study conducted in 2003 analyzed the DNA of ancient Guanches buried in the Canary Islands. They found that Guanches had genetic similarities with modern Moroccan Berbers, Canary Islanders, and Spaniards. Guanches had a high prevalence of a specific genetic group called U6b1, which is rare in North Africa today. The study suggested that Guanches were descendants of migrants from mainland North Africa who had ties to the Berbers. They estimated that Guanches contributed significantly to the gene pool of present-day Canary Islanders. In a 2009 study, the DNA of Guanches was further analyzed. It showed that Guanches had genetic connections to North Africa through specific lineages commonly found among Berbers. However, there were also lineages present among Guanche males that were prevalent in Europe, indicating a historic gene flow from Europe to the Canary Islands. The genetic contribution of Guanche males to the modern Canary Island population was lower compared to Guanche females, likely due to the harsh conquest of the islands that led to the loss of Guanche male lineages. Interestingly, the genetic groups found among Guanches are also common in Latin America, suggesting that Guanche descendants played a role in Spanish colonization there. In another 2009 study, the DNA of aboriginals from La Palma, known as Benahoarites, was analyzed. Most of their genetic heritage originated from West Eurasia, with a small proportion from sub-Saharan Africa. Some of their West Eurasian lineages were specific to Europe and the Near East, indicating ancestral connections to these regions. The Benahoarites, a group of aboriginals from La Palma, had high frequencies of the maternal haplogroups U6b1 and H1-16260. U6b1 is not found in North Africa, and H1-16260 is extremely rare. This suggests that the North African population, including the Benahoarites and other Guanches, has undergone significant changes due to migrations. In a 2010 study, the origins of the maternal haplogroup U6, which is characteristic of Guanches, were investigated. One hypothesis proposed that U6 was introduced to North Africa by Cro-Magnon-like humans migrating from the Near East during the Upper Paleolithic. Another hypothesis suggested that U6 was initially brought to the Levant from Central Europe during the Upper Paleolithic by people belonging to the Aurignacian culture. These individuals then reintroduced U6 into Africa through remigration. The study also indicated that U6b1a was likely introduced to the Canary Islands during the initial settlement by the Guanches, while U6c1 arrived in a later wave. However, regarding the Iberomaurusians, different genetic studies have resulted in different interpretations: One study in 2018 analyzed DNA from remains in Morocco and found a West-Eurasian/Levantine component, a Hadza hunter-gatherer component, and a West African component, suggesting early migration and admixture during the Paleolithic period. However, another study argued that the Iberomaurusians were an admixture between a West-Eurasian component and an ancient North African component. They also proposed that the Iberomaurusians contributed to the genetic makeup of Natufians and modern West Africans, not the other way around. According to a 2010 study by Pereira et al., the maternal haplogroup H1, which is common among Canarian aboriginals, may have been brought to North Africa by migrants from Iberia during the Holocene. These migrants possibly contributed to the formation of the Capsian culture. In a 2015 study by Fregel et al., the mtDNA of the Gomerans was examined, revealing that 65% of them carried the maternal haplogroup U6b1a. This suggests that the Gomerans likely descended from the earliest wave of settlers in the Canary Islands. The study also proposed that the maternal haplogroups T2c1 and U6c1 may have been introduced during a second wave of colonization affecting the other islands. Modern Gomerans still exhibit a significant genetic continuity with the ancestral aboriginals. In a 2017 study by Ordóñez et al., the remains of Bimbaches, aboriginals from El Hierro, were examined. The analysis focused on Y-DNA and mtDNA samples, revealing paternal haplogroups E1a, E1b1b1a1, and R1b1a2 (R1b-M269), as well as maternal haplogroup H1-1626. The Bimbaches were found to be descendants of the initial wave of settlers in the Canary Islands and lacked the lineages associated with a hypothetical second wave of Guanche migration. A 2017 study by Rodríguez-Varela et al. examined the autosomal DNA of 11 Canarian aboriginals buried in Gran Canaria and Tenerife. The analysis found that all three samples of Y-DNA belonged to the paternal haplogroup E1b1b1b1a1 (E-M183). The samples of mtDNA belonged to various maternal haplogroups. The study concluded that the Canarian aboriginals shared genetic similarities with modern North Africans but also showed some unique genetic traits, particularly individuals from Gran Canaria who displayed closer proximity to Europeans. The findings supported the idea that the Guanches descended from a Berber-like population from mainland North Africa. Interestingly, the study also found genetic similarities between the ancient Canarians and modern Sardinians, suggesting a potential spread of ancestry from Iberia into North Africa during the Neolithic period. In a 2018 study by Fregel et al., the genetic analysis of remains at the Late Neolithic site of Kelif el Boroud in Morocco revealed that the Canarian aboriginals were genetically similar to the Kelif el Boroud people. These individuals were modeled as having equal genetic contributions from two Neolithic sites: Ifri N'Ammar in Morocco and the Cave of El Toro in Spain. The study indicated that the Kelif el Boroud people had 50% Early European Farmer (EEF) ancestry, which likely spread from Iberia to North Africa during the Neolithic period, possibly associated with the Cardial Ware culture. Following the Kelif el Boroud population, additional European ancestry might have been introduced to the region from Iberia by individuals associated with the Bell Beaker culture. Genetic analysis has found evidence of European Bronze Age ancestry in the Canarian aboriginals. Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis of 48 Canarian aboriginals revealed diverse maternal lineages, with genetic contributions from North Africa, Europe, and the Near East. The most common maternal lineages were of Eurasian origin, possibly arriving in the Canary Islands through migrations during the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age periods. There were genetic differences detected between aboriginals from the western and eastern Canary Islands, suggesting they descended from two distinct migration waves. Interestingly, 40% of the examined aboriginals belonged to the maternal haplogroup H, which is widespread in Europe, indicating a significant genetic connection between the Canarian aboriginals and European populations. A recent study analyzing genome-wide data from 49 Canarian aboriginals found they had an average ancestry of 73.3% from Morocco's Late Neolithic, 6.9% from Morocco's Early Neolithic, 13.4% from Germany's Bell Beaker culture, and 6.4% from Mota ancestry. The Bell Beaker ancestry was particularly high in samples from Gran Canaria and Lanzarote, suggesting a notable genetic link between the Canarian aboriginals and the Bronze Age Bell Beaker culture that spread across Europe. Social structure The indigenous Canarian society was characterized by a patriarchal and matrilineal structure, with distinct social strata primarily based on wealth, particularly livestock ownership. Each island was divided into territories ruled by a guanarteme (in the case of Gran Canaria) or mencey (in the case of Tenerife). This is attested by early medieval Europeans, who simply translated mencey as "king": el Rey se llamaba Mencey the king was called mencey — Friar Alonso de Espinosa - 1594 Mencey, que es rey Mencey, who is king — Friar Alonso de Espinosa - 1594 un rey, a quien ellos llamaban Mencey a king, whom they called mencey — Leonardo Torriani - 1590 al rey llamaban Mencey they called the king mencey — Juan de Abréu Galindo - 1632 The etymology of the word mencey might be, as proposed by Ignacio Reyes, *manzay "main, first", therefore with a similar meaning to Latin princeps. The menceyes maintained the purity of their blood, marrying only the high island nobility, even marrying brothers. The succession was fraternal, that is, when a Mencey died his brother inherited, and so on until, once the lateral line was over, the position returned to the eldest son of the first brother. When the mencey was elected, he swore before the tagoror, an assembly made up of nobles and elders. During the ceremony the chosen one kissed the bone of the oldest of his lineage saved for this purpose and then, placing the bone on his head, he swore saying: Agoñe yacoron yñatzakaña chacoñamet, which meant "I swear by the bone of that day when you became big." The class system varied across the islands, but the clearest description has been identified for Gran Canaria and Tenerife, where it can be summarized into two main categories: nobles (including several subcategories) and commoners. Among the high-ranking nobles, purity of bloodline was a significant factor, and the attainment of mencey status required proving one's pure lineage. According to Juan Núñez de la Peña's account, Tenerife had three distinct social groups: Noble and aristocrat: achimencey < *ašimenzey, "successor of the mencey" Soldier and servant: cichiciquitzo < *šičizikkičo, "descendant of the hair", figuratively "wealthy quality" Commoner: achicaxna < *ašikkasnay, "descendant of the shorn", figuratively "humble quality" The nomenclature, which is derived from the presence or absence of hair, is directly related to the social differentiation which was represented by physical appearance, with noble men having beards and long hair, while commoners had them shaved. Also, according to Bethencourt Alfonso, the clothing was different for nobles and villains. It is worth noting that the terminology used to identify these different categories bears similarities to that of medieval Europe. This can be attributed to the chroniclers extrapolating social organization terminology from medieval Europe to the insular context: the achimencey was compared by the first historians with the medieval hidalgo, a member of Spanish nobility; the cichiciquitzo was compared with the escudero or squire; and the achicaxna with the pebeyo or villano, or commoner. Hauía en esta Ysla tres estados de gente, hidalgos, escuderos, y víllanos. Alos hidalgos llamaban, Achimensey, y alos escuderos, cíchícíquíco, y alos víllanos Achicasnay. Al rey llamaban Mancey, y de aquí, como quien dice quelos hidalgos proceden dela Casa real, los llamaban Achimencey. Decían al rey Queuehiera, quando hablaban con el, y es como tratarle de su AltezaTranslation: There were three classes of people on this island, nobles, squires, and commoners. They called the noblemen Achimensey, and the squires, cíchícíquíco, and the commoners, Achicasnay. They called the king Mancey, and from here, as they say that the nobles come from the royal House, they called them Achimencey. They referred to the king as Queuehiera, when they addressed him, which is like calling him His Highness— Juan de Abréu Galindo - ca. 1590 The political and social structures of the aboriginals exhibited variation across different islands. For instance, in Gran Canaria, there was a system of hereditary autocracy based on matrilineality, while other islands had elective forms of government. On Tenerife, the kings owned all the land and would lease it to their subjects. Within Gran Canaria, suicide was considered honorable, and it was customary for one of the subjects to willingly sacrifice themselves by throwing themselves off a cliff when a new king was installed. The guanarteme or mencey likely owned a significant portion of the livestock, and it is also speculated that they held control over the quarries for sourcing raw materials for stone production. To maintain this hierarchical system, which relied on the service of others, the aboriginals instructed their children through stories that explained the origins of social inequalities, believed to be of divine nature. According to one of these stories, God created individuals and provided them with the necessary livestock. However, upon deciding to create more people, God observed that they lacked livestock. Consequently, when the new individuals asked God for livestock, He replied, "Serve others, and they will provide for you." This narrative is said to be the origin of the commoner status. Justice was administered in public squares (tagoror in Tenerife and sabor in Gran Canaria) by a group of notable individuals. According to early visitors to the islands, the justice system was known for its extreme severity. It was said that insulting a woman with a weapon was a serious crime punishable by death. Evidence of female infanticide and while some islands adhered to monogamy, some others practiced polyandry. These practice have been interpreted as a cultural adaptation to resource scarcity, serving as a means of population control. The cultural structure of the aboriginals bore similarities to that of other ancient peoples who remained isolated for centuries, such as the Maori of New Zealand or the Aboriginal Australians. The existence of other offices are also known in the ancient Canarian societies, such as artisans, healers, priests, and embalmers. Lifestyle Economy The ancient Canarians were mainly a livestock farming people, and therefore economy was largely based on shepherding, whereas agriculture was more developed in Gran Canaria. On most of the other islands, fishing and agriculture were carried out on a small scale. Tienen una habilidad extraña, y es de notar que, aunque sea gran cantidad de ganado y salga de golpe del corral o aprisco, lo cuentan sin abrir la boca, ni señalar con la mano, sin faltar uno. Y para ahijar el ganado, aunque sean mil reses, conocen la cría de cada cual y se la aplican.Translation: They have a strange skill, and it is noteworthy that, even though it might be a large amount of cattle that comes out of a pen at once, they count them without opening their mouths, without missing one.— Friar Alonso de Espinosa - 16th century Tambien tienen los naturales de estas islas una habilidad extraña que, aunque sea gran cantidad de ganado y saliese de golpe de un corral, lo cuentan sin abrir la boca ni señalar con el dedo, que visto cómo lo hacen, es tenido en mucho. Es gente de gran memoria.Translation: The aboriginals of these islands also have a strange skill; even if a large amount of cattle comes out of a pen together, they can count them without opening their mouths or pointing with their fingers. These people have amazing memories.— Friar Juan de Abréu Galindo - 16th century Their livestock consisted mainly of goats, called ara, and sheep, called haña. The goats were of two types: one with closed horns and a small udder, and the other with open horns and a larger udder. The sheep, on the other hand, were of an African type with smooth hair and a woolly tail. They also introduced pigs of an archaic type and small-sized dogs called cancha. Archaeological sites have also revealed remains of cats and hedgehogs, suggesting that these animals were part of the indigenous diet as well. The aboriginals practiced transhumant pastoralism. The shepherds from the southern part of the island constantly moved their herds throughout their territory, while those from the northern part engaged in seasonal transhumance, moving to the high mountains around Las Cañadas del Teide in summer and utilizing the pastures of the midland and coastal areas in winter. The inhabitants of the Anaga and Teno massifs, which were isolated areas, restricted their movements to the mountains in their immediate surroundings. From their livestock, apart from consuming meat, which they ate partially roasted without accompaniment, they obtained milk or ahof. They used the milk to make butter called oche and cheese. Agriculture was developed as a complementary and rudimentary rain-fed practice. They cultivated barley or tamo, wheat or irichen, and various legumes such as broad beans and peas, known as hacichey. With the cereals, once the grains were toasted and ground, they made gofio, also called ahoren by the Guanches. Gofio was consumed mixed with water, milk, or butter. They also made porridge by cooking ground wheat with milk and butter. The presence of agriculture was more significant in the northern territories of the island due to better climatic conditions, which allowed for irrigation-based cultivation. The land belonged to the king or mencey, who distributed it for usufruct among the members of the community. The small-scale gardens were located in the mid-altitude areas between 200 and 400 meters above sea level, within the domain of the thermophilic forest, where better climatic conditions prevailed, and near the habitation caves. The crops were protected from animals by wooden or stone fences. Historians describe the aboriginals' method of sowing. Espinosa mentions that "with goat horns or wooden shovels, they dug or, rather, scratched the soil and sowed their barley. This was done by the men, as everything else, including storing it in granaries or caves, was the women's job." The harvest took place between July and August. The collection of natural resources such as fruits, seeds, and roots was also an important supplement. The collected fruits and berries included bicácaros, figs, blackberries, fruits of the strawberry tree, the Canary Island palm, the faya tree, and the mocán tree. The pine nuts from the Canary Island pine were also consumed. With the mocán fruits or yoyas, they made a type of honey called chacerquen, which was used as a medicinal remedy for intestinal problems. The rhizomes of various fern species—Pteridium aquilinum, Pteris arguta, and Pteris longifolia—were also used as food, and gofio was made from them. Other natural products exploited by the aboriginals included honey from wild beehives and sea salt. The exploitation of marine resources was also significant. They gathered species such as limpets, sea snails, sea urchins, and crabs, and they fished in the intertidal zone using bone-made hooks. Hunting various types of birds, such as pigeons (Columba livia, C. junoniae, and C. bollii) and shearwaters, as well as lizards and feral pigs, completed the indigenous subsistence mode. Impact on the insular ecosystems For a long time, it has been believed that the Canary Islands' indigenous people had little influence on the Canary Islands' environment. However, archaeological sites demonstrate that they had both direct and indirect negative impacts. Predation of native animals, the introduction of domestic plants and animals, and agriculture changed the ecology of the islands, leading to the extinction of several species. Likewise, the livestock activity and forestry exploitation caused the retreat of the thermophilic forests. In Tenerife, there is evidence (pollen remains) indicating the past existence of at least two tree species that are currently absent from its forests: an oak (Quercus sp.) and a hornbeam (probably Carpinus betulus). These species seem to have started declining when the first settlers arrived on the island, either due to selective logging, burning, grazing, or agricultural development carried out by the indigenous people. In Las Cañadas del Teide, archaeological charcoal deposits show a change in vegetation, transitioning from forests dominated by Canary Island pine (Pinus canariensis) and Canary Island juniper (Juniperus cedrus) to being composed of shrub species such as retama de cumbre (Spartocytisus supranubius) or escobón (Chamaecytisus proliferus). This is likely also due to logging. On the island of Fuerteventura, there is evidence of currently extinct tree species that used to form forests, such as the viñátigo (Persea indica) or the madroño (Arbutus canariensis), as well as other species that now only survive in residual form, such as the laurel (Laurus azorica) or the paloblanco (Picconia excelsa). These species, which require high levels of humidity, are identified in charcoal remains from fires lit by the indigenous people between the 4th and 7th centuries. On Lanzarote, the finding of Turdus sp. at the El Bebedero site could indicate the past existence f wooded areas, since the common blackbird (Turdus merula cabrerae) inhabits this type of habitat. On the northern slope of El Hierro and in some areas of La Gomera, archaeological evidence shows the past presence of the Canary pines, now disappeared from these areas due to intense logging. Evidence of soil erosion caused by overgrazing or agricultural use has also been found in places such as the Cendro settlement in Gran Canaria or various areas of Lanzarote. The indigenous people also influenced the fauna through predation. It is known that they consumed several animal species that are now extinct, such as the Malpaís shearwater (Puffinus olsoni), the Canarian quail (Coturnix gomerae), the giant lizards of Tenerife and La Palma (Gallotia goliath and G. auaritae), the giant rats of Tenerife and Gran Canaria (Canariomys bravoi and C. tamarani). In the case of the dune shearwater (Puffinus holeae) it is likely that they became extinct upon their arrival due to consumption. There is also evidence of the presence of seabirds of the genus Pterodroma and Eurasian goshawk (Accipiter gentilis) on El Hierro. Similarly, remains of sea eagles (Haliaeetus sp.) have been found in two sites in Fuerteventura and one in El Hierro. The malpaís mouse (Malpaisomys insularis), which used to live on the islands of Fuerteventura and Lanzarote, became extinct during this period, and it most certainly happened due to the introduction of the house mouse, which also fed on the seed of native plants. Other animals were exploited without being driven to extinction, but were extirpated in large areas. An example is the monk seal (Monachus monachus), which disappeared in the island of Fuerteventura and only persisted on the Islote de Lobos. Similarly, the red billed chough (Pyrrhocorax pyrrhocorax), which currently only remains on La Palma, was driven toextinction on Tenerife, La Gomera and possibly El Hierro. The aboriginals used to fish and gather shellfish, and drove the species Dentex canariensis to near-extinction, today only surviving in the waters near the African coast, causing a size reduction in the species Sparisoma cretensse. These phenomena indicate the environmental pressure produced by the aboriginals. Attire The ancient inhabitants of the Canary Islands had distinct clothing and ornamentation. Their attire consisted of garments crafted from goat skins or woven from plant fibers known as tamarcos, which have been discovered in Tenerife tombs. They had a penchant for adorning themselves with necklaces made of wood, bone, and shells, fashioned in various designs. Beads made of baked clay, cylindrical in shape and coloured predominantly in black and red, were commonly found. These clay objects, referred to as pintaderas by the Castilians, were proposed by René Verneau to have been used for body painting in different colours. Weaponry The weaponry of was adapted to the island environment, utilizing materials such as wood, bone, obsidian, and stone. Influences from medieval European weaponry can also be observed. Common armaments included javelins measuring 1 to 2 meters in length, known as banot on Tenerife, as well as polished round stones, spears, maces (referred to as magado and sunta in Gran Canaria and Tenerife, respectively), and shields. Shields in Tenerife were small, while those in Gran Canaria, called tarja, were human-sized and made from drago wood, adorned with geometric patterns. Following the arrival of Europeans, the aboriginal nobility in Gran Canaria were known to wield large wooden swords called magido, larger than the European two-handed swords, which were said to be highly effective against both infantry and cavalry. Wooden weapons were hardened through the application of fire. Additionally, they possessed obsidian knives known as tabona. Language The original language is now only preserved in a few sentences and individual words, with additional information provided by various place names. Many linguists today argue that it is part of the Berber branch within the Afroasiatic language family. Although certain Berber words, particularly related to agriculture, can be recognized in the language, no Berber grammatical inflections have been found. In fact, there is a significant amount of vocabulary that bears no resemblance to Berber whatsoever. There are also notable similarities between the counting systems of Insular Berber and other Berber languages. Some authors suggest that the Canarian branch could be a sister branch to the surviving continental Berber languages, diverging during the early stages of the language family's development and before the terminus post quem for the origin of Proto-Berber. Writing systems Main article: Language and writing systems of the ancient Canarian aboriginals The aboriginals of the Canary Islands were an almost entirely oral society in which memory and oral communication perform all the functions of which reading and writing have in a literate society. However, the Berber natives did have two writing systems which were used for brief messages: an abjad brought by the first settlers from the mainland; and a locally developed alphabet of Latin influence. Libyco-Berber or Libyc script The Libyco-Berber script, also known as the Libyc script, is an ancient abjad writing system that was utilized by various Berber peoples of North Africa and the Canary Islands during the first millennium BC. It served as a means to write ancient variations of the Berber language, such as the Numidian language in ancient North Africa. The Libyco-Berber script can be found in thousands of stone inscriptions and engravings across regions including Morocco, northern Algeria, Tunisia, northern Libya, and the Canary Islands. Additionally, there are inscriptions of the later Saharan variant within rocky outcrops in Mali and Niger. Among the numerous small inscriptions, several well-known and significant examples of Libyco-Berber inscriptions include the Massinissa Temple and the Prince Ateban Mausoleum, both located in Dougga (Arabic:دُقَّة  Duqqah; Tunisian Arabic: دُڨَّة Duq̇q̇ah; Latin Thugga; Libyco-Berber: tbgg < Berber tbg "to protect"?; Punic: 𐤕𐤁𐤂𐤂 tbgg, 𐤕𐤁𐤂𐤏𐤂 tbgʿg < Phoenician "in the roof terrace"?) in northern Tunisia. Other noteworthy inscriptions include Azib n'Ikkis and Oukaïmeden (Berber: ⵓⴽⴰⵢⴻⵎⴷⴰⵏ Ukayemdan), both located in the High Atlas Mountains of Morocco. Throughout the existence of the ancient Berber kingdoms of Numidia (northern Algeria, 202 BC–40 BC) and Mauretania (northern Morocco, 3rd century BC – 44 AD), numerous inscriptions were engraved using the Libyco-Berber script. While the majority of these inscriptions were simple funerary scripts, examples of rock art, cave art, graffiti, and even a few official governmental and potentially religious inscriptions have been discovered. The origin of the Libyco-Berber script remains a subject of debate among academic researchers. Several theories have been put forward to explain its origins. One prominent view suggests that it is a heavily modified version of the Phoenician script or a local invention influenced by Phoenician script. This theory is widely supported and suggests that the Libyco-Berber script was developed based on a local prototype that drew conceptual inspiration from the Phoenician or archaic Semitic model. However, there are other less plausible theories that propose Greek, Punic, or even South Arabian influences on the script's development. Libyco-Berber may have gradually disappeared in the Canary Islands with the development of the distinct prehispanic cultures, and it declined in northern areas of Africa during or after the reign of the Roman and Byzantine empires. However, it persisted and spread southward into the Sahara Desert, evolving into the Tuareg Tifinagh alphabet, which the Tuareg Berbers still employ to this day. The alphabets of the Tuareg use characters called tafinəɣ (singular of tifinaɣ). The root of this word, fnɣ, is for some a Berberised feminine plural form of the Greek term Φοίνῑξ (Phoínīx “Phoenician”) or the Latin term Punicus (“Carthaginians”, i.e. Western Phoenicians), through the addition of the feminine prefix ti- to the root √fnɣ. Thus, the term “Tifinagh” could possibly mean "the Phoenician [letters]" or "the Punic [letters]." Both the Greek and Latin terms for “Phoenician” are probably derived from Ancient Egyptian fnḫw, likely the term for Phoenicians, which literally meant “carpenters, woodcutters.” There are three similar variants of Libyco-Berber script: The Eastern variant (Numidian): This variant was used in modern-day Qusanṭīnah and Awrās regions of Algeria and Tunisia. It is the best understood variant, due to the Numidian bilingual inscriptions at Duggah (Libyco-Berber: "tbgg"), KAI 100 and KAI 101. It had 24 letters, of which 22 have been deciphered. The Western variant: This variant was used along the Mediterranean coast from Kabylia to the Canary Islands. It used 13 supplementary letters. Writings from Garafía (La Palma), El Julán (El Hierro) or Balos (Gran Canaria) are identified as virtually identical to the Libyco-Berber script from North Africa brought by the first aboriginals. Approximately 6000 Libyco-Berber signs have been recovered throughout all of North Africa, and over 1000 Libyco-Berber signs in total have been found on the Canary Islands alone. However, they were much more common on some islands than others, with El Hierro possessing more than half of them. El Hierro (>500 signs): It includes various carvings from the island like La Caleta, Tejeleita, El Julán or Los Signos, as well as the well-known "chajasco" (funerary table) from Guarazoca. Gran Canaria (232 signs): The horizontal inscription from Roque Bentaiga is of doubtful origin, since it is speculated it might be recent. La Gomera (82 signs): It includes the writings from Las Toscas del Guirre. It is very likely that many more are to be found on this island. Majo (>190 signs): It includes carvings from both Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, as these two islands probably shared the same culture. Here, another type of script developed, Latino-Canarian or Libyco-Canarian script, of Latin influence. La Palma (>9 signs): The only inscriptions that have been found are the ones at Tajodeque, located at 2000 meters above sea level on the inner walls of the Caldera de Taburiente, and on the "Berber Idol" found at Buracas, the only case of Libyco-Berber inscriptions on terracotta on the Canary Islands. Tenerife (>9 signs): The only inscriptions are located at Cambados and Cabuquero. The Libyco-Berber script was a pure abjad, lacking distinct vowel symbols. However, it included equivalents for "w" and "y," and "h" may have served as a mater lectionis for "a" as well. Gemination, the doubling of consonant sounds, was not indicated. The writing direction was typically bottom-to-top, although right-to-left and other variations were also observed. The letters had different forms when written vertically compared to horizontally, and they exhibited highly geometrical shapes. In North Africa, on the other hand, at an unknown date, the appearance of Libyco-Berber changed dramatically. All phonemes except 6 were represented by completely new characters. This new alphabet is called Tifinagh. Evidence for Tifinagh is found on thousands of rock inscriptions across North Africa, but only a very few in Morocco. This restriction may be the reason for the fact that no Tifinagh inscriptions are found in the Canary Islands. The most obvious feature of this alphabet is the appearance of dotted signs in addition to linear ones. The only inscription from the Canary Islands which can be related to this stage of evolution of Libyco–Berber script is the one at the site of Llano de Zonzamas in Lanzarote, that surprisingly contains the following sequence (zɣrɣ): The inscription at Llano de Zonzamas in Lanzarote, which reads zɣrɣ, and possesses a dotted variety of the letter ɣ which is normally linear. Though common in Tifinagh, this is the only recorded case for the Libyco-Berber script in the Canary Islands. Latino-Canarian or Libyco-Canarian script Substantial evidence supports the occurrence of contact between the Romans and the indigenous inhabitants of Fuerteventura and Lanzarote in the Canary Islands. A particularly significant piece of evidence is the presence of an ancient Roman factory on Islote de Lobos, a small islet situated between Lanzarote and Fuerteventura. This factory was specifically dedicated to the extraction of purple dye from the mucus of two mollusk species belonging to the Muricidae family: Stramonita haemastoma and Hexaplex duplex. During this period of contact, the Berber communities residing on the eastern islands of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura developed a distinct script known as the Latino-Canarian or Libyco-Canarian, influenced by Latin. Unlike the older script, this script was a true alphabet, comprising both consonants and vowels, and was characterized by the use of numerous ligatures. Across the Mediterranean and beyond, there are other examples of scripts that emerged as a result of foreign influences. One such example is the Greco-Iberian alphabet, which directly adapted the Ionic Greek alphabet to the specific phonemes of the Iberian language, differing from the predominantly semi-syllabic paleohispanic scripts. Another illustration is the Bactrian alphabet, which also evolved from the Greek alphabet but differed significantly from other Iranian scripts that were primarily derived from Aramaic. Industry Pottery This Benahoaritan pot from La Palma is classified as Phase IIb (between 400 and 650 AD) and was found in Los Guinchos, Breña Alta (former Tedote). It syncronizes the solar and lunar calendars. The pot is decorated with creases grouped in bands that sum a total of 365 lines which coalesce towards a spiral located in the center, which seems to symbolize the sun. Displayed at the Museo Arqueológico Benahoarita. A Benahoaritan pot of Phase IIIb, dated at 500 AD. Displayed at the Museo Arqueológico Benahoarita. The ancient Canarians produced simple pottery, often undecorated or embellished with fingernail indentations. According to written sources of the 16th century, pottery was an office of women. Chemically, pure clay is a hydrated aluminum silicate. When combined with water, it creates a moldable mass. Contact with air and boiling produce a loss of mass and hardening of the material. However, pure clay is not ideal for pottery. Before combining it with water, it is mixed with other types of soil and degreasing substances to give it a greater consistency. The chosen soils are then mixed and milled. Later, it is cleaned by sifting, and organic substances are eliminated. Only then it is mixed with water and then the mix is allowed to set for several days. In order to substitute the pottery wheel, a technique called coil method, in which coils of clay are used to build bowls by placing a coil along the edge of a foot base. This technique is still widely used by the Berbers of North Africa. Patterns and decoration are drawn with beach stones and punches fashioned out of bone or wood. Technological development The ancient Canarians lived in a Neolithic society, and they are best defined by having an advanced cultural development and a poor technological development. It should be noted, however, that their low technological development is determined by two factors: the environmental circumstances the aboriginals found upon their arrival to the islands, with raw materials being very scarce and metals absent given the islands' volcanic origin; and the total isolation from the influence of other cultures, which is one of the main motors for technological progress for civilisations on the continent. In spite of this, the aboriginals were culturally developed, which, for a great part, they owe to their Berber heritage from North Africa. On the islands there are characters engraved in rock (and one example on clay) written in not only one but two different writing systems, the first one, called the Libyco-Berber script, which was an abjad in which only consonants are represented (such as Arabic and Hebrew), and the second one, called the Latino-Canarian script, which was a full alphabet with explicit characters for vowels. Libyco-Berber was brought by the first Berber settlers to the Canary Islands, but the Latino-Canarian alphabet, however, was developed locally on the islands of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura. The indigenous societies of the archipelago oriented and astronomically aligned some sanctuaries and observation points, shrines, temples and even necropolises. The relationship between the rising and setting of the Sun, the Moon and some planets and stars with elements of the landscape of the islands and with their orographic profile over the ocean, allowed them to establish calendars, organize food-producing activities, social practices and their believes. As examples we can mention the complex of El Julan in El Hierro, the rock station of Masca in Tenerife, the almogaren of Bentayga, the great tumulus of La Guancha, Cuatro Puertas and Artenara in Gran Canaria, the site of La Fortaleza, Alto de Garajonay and the Toscas del Guirre in La Gomera, the Lomo de las Lajitas in La Palma and Tindaya in Fuerteventura. Unlike most ancient cultures that emerged around isolated oceanic islands, such as the South Pacific, no archaeological or documentary evidence of the existence of seafaring vessels or navigational knowledge has been found in the Canary Islands. The chronicles of the first Europeans who arrived in the Canary Islands record the fact that the Guanches had completely lost their knowledge of navigation, so that the different islands remained isolated from each other for centuries, developing different cultural modes. However, a source from military engineer Leonardo Torriani tells us that sometimes the natives of Gran Canaria made boats to fish or commit pillage on other islands. Medicinal practices The ancient Canarian aboriginals had both medical therapy—making use of animal and herbal resources—and surgical therapy. Medical therapy Medicine of animal origin The animal resources employed included animal fat, goat's milk, and bone marrow. Animal fat (cream obtained from churning, kneading, and maturing the milk of goats and sheep) was used in the treatment of a wide range of ailments, as recorded in written sources. According to Abreu and Galindo (1977 [1602]): […] y sajábanse con pedernales muy agudos cuando les dolía, y se quemaban con fuego; y allí se untaban con manteca de ganado […] la cual sirve para medicina Translation: [...] and when they felt pain, they would cut themselves with sharp flints, and they would burn themselves with fire; and then they would anoint themselves with animal fat [...] which serves as medicine — Juan de Abréu Galindo - 1602 Verneau (1891) mentioned two ways of using fat: aged fat, generally used as an ointment for external ailments through friction, and fresh fat, which could be used topically after boiling it and applying it to the affected area. Another common resource was goat's milk. Chil y Naranjo (1876) and Verneau (1891) mentioned its use as a laxative, to be consumed on an empty stomach, either with cream or mixed with the honey of the mocán, palm, or other herbs. Bosch Millares (1961) states that sour and "skimmed" milk was used as an adjunct in the treatment of dysentery (bloody diarrhea) and various types of bleeding. Lastly, there is bone marrow, which is found inside the long bones of animals. Its potential therapeutic use is not made clear in the chronicles: estando enfermos, se curaban con tútanos de las cabras Translation: when they were sick, they would cure themselves with goat's marrow [...] — Juan de Abréu Galindo - 1602 What is clear, however, is its use as food due to its high nutritional value, which varies depending on the species in question. Herbal medicine There are some plants whose remains have been found in archaeological sites on the island or have been mentioned in chronicles and general histories, which can be used for therapeutic purposes. Among them, the following stand out: Dracaena draco, whose resin , known as "dragon's blood," was used for wound healing and burns. Euphorbia canariensis, which was dried and the resulting powder was used to burn off hair and warts. Euphorbia balsamifera, chewed like gum for oral diseases. Euphorbia lamarcki, which is toxic and was used as a poultice to cauterize skin infections, treat chronic arthritis, and reduce inflammation caused by old, poorly healed dislocations and fractures. Juncus acutus, which was used in the immobilization of fractures and was also introduced into wounds along with boiling goat fat, possibly for cauterization purposes. Pistacia atlantica, which is useful for oral infections. Visnea mocanera, one of the best-known plants, from which honey, called chacerquen, was obtained and used to treat the so-called "mal de cámara" (gastroenteritis) and side pain (possibly pneumonia), which were two of the most common pathologies among the Guanches. Convolvulus scoparius, which according to Torriani (1980 [1594]), was a good remedy against poisons through smoking: […] Hay un árbol muy oloroso, cuyo humo, además de ser de suave olor, es medicinal y contra ponzoña, que llaman ligno aloe […] Translation: [...] There is a very fragrant tree, whose smoke, besides having a pleasant odor, is medicinal and counteracts poisons, which they call ligno aloe [...] — Leonardo Torriani - 1594 These plants have been identified either through archaeological findings or mentioned in historical records and were utilized by the aboriginals for various therapeutic purposes. Surgical therapy Surgical Therapeutics of the Guanches encompassed cephalic practices and traumatology. There were three types of cephalic practices: trepanation, scarification, and cauterization. Trepanation Trepanation is one of the oldest surgical practices, with cases dating back to the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods, found on almost every continent but limited to specific population groups (Aufderheide & Rodríguez Martín, 1998). It is also the most well-known cephalic practice in the Canary Islands, although not the most common. It was used by the aboriginal people either for magical-religious purposes or as a therapeutic practice. Trepanation involves creating an opening (Photo 2) to connect the interior of the cranial cavity with the exterior, using lithic instruments (stone). The procedure could serve various purposes. The success of this technique depended on avoiding damage to the meninges, brain, and blood vessels to prevent infections, brain damage, and hemorrhages. One intriguing aspect noted by different researchers, starting with Luschan's analysis in 1896, was the high survival rate among trepanned individuals and the low frequency of infectious complications (Rodríguez Martín, 1991). Pérez (1980-81) described a skull from Barranco de Guayadeque (Gran Canaria) with minimal survival, which was the only case with such circumstances. Likewise, evidence was found indicating a minor infection during the healing process of trepanation in only two cases, one male and one female skull. In the Canary Islands, trepanation was practiced in Tenerife, La Gomera, La Palma, and Gran Canaria. The skulls have openings located on the frontal and left parietal bones, and in some cases (less common), on the sagittal suture that divides the two parietal bones. The frequency of this practice is very low. For example, among 1066 Guanche skulls studied in Tenerife, trepanation was found in less than a dozen cases, predominantly in males. To perform trepanation, tabonas (blunt-edged instruments) and basalt flakes with irregular points were used. The external opening was always larger than the internal one, and the general morphology was usually elliptical, except in two cases with irregular contours, where a drilling technique was employed, typically with an oblique approach axis. However, in skulls where the opening was made with a highly irregular point, an oscillating motion was used. It is important to note that the exact motivations and beliefs behind trepanation among the ancient Canarian aboriginals are not fully understood, but it may have served various purposes, including both magical-religious and therapeutic reasons: Magical-religious beliefs: Trepanation was believed to have spiritual and mystical significance among the Guanches. It was thought to allow the release of evil spirits or negative energies from the body, thereby providing spiritual healing. The procedure was often accompanied by rituals and ceremonies conducted by the shaman or religious figures. Healing and medical purposes: Trepanation was also used as a therapeutic practice to address specific medical conditions or ailments. It was believed that creating an opening in the skull could help alleviate symptoms or treat conditions such as headaches, epilepsy, mental illnesses, or even physical injuries. Trepanation was seen as a way to restore balance and harmony within the body. Symbolic or social significance: Trepanation may have held symbolic or social significance within the aboriginal society. It could mark important life events, such as initiation rituals or rites of passage. It might have also served as a form of status or identity marker, distinguishing individuals within the community. Cauterization Cauterization involved the superficial burning of a specific body part for therapeutic purposes. It was the most common surgical practice among the Guanches and was performed by applying boiling animal fat or heating red-hot lithic materials. It was the most effective method for stopping bleeding. The resulting marks on the skulls were often oval, circular, or irregular grooves (Photo 3). In pre-Hispanic Tenerife, it was more common in the south (12.7%) than in the north (5.1%), and it occurred much more frequently in men than in women. In contrast to trepanation, numerous cases were associated with cranial fractures (11.6%) and severe craniofacial infections, especially sinusitis (Rodríguez Martín & Martín Oval, 2009). Bloodletting or Scarification This technique involved making small incisions in the skin to cause bleeding in a specific body part, either by cutting the veins or using leeches. It was a common practice worldwide, and the Guanches used obsidian tabonas for scarification. In Guanche skulls, scarifications were found on the frontal and parietal bones. The cranial incisions were usually bilateral, although cases were observed where they were only performed on the left side. In all instances, they were found in adult male skulls. Scarification was observed in association with skull fractures, but no infectious complications were observed. Traumatology The most striking pathology among the Guanches is the traumatic one, more so due to violence than accidents. Written chronicles already mention conflicts among them related to livestock theft and territorial invasion. This is confirmed in the skeletal record. If we focus solely on the skulls, we can observe that 7-8 percent of the population in Tenerife, especially males, present injuries from fractures or spear thrusts, which is an extremely high proportion. Due to the frequency of injuries, the indigenous population had a high percentage of fractures and dislocations of the limbs, which were generally well-healed. This indicates treatment involving reduction and some degree of immobilization and rest, although their limited anatomical knowledge made this practice challenging. In Tenerife, it is unknown how fractures were immobilized and treated, but in Barranco de Guayadeque in Gran Canaria, an apparatus was found for immobilizing fractures. It consisted of a skin wrap on the outer side, with bandages made of Juncus and resin-coated leather strips, covering a splint made of tabaiba that supported a fractured forearm (Chil y Naranjo, 1900). Settlements The indigenous Canarian people primarily lived in natural caves or volcanic tubes, although in areas where cave dwellings were not feasible, they built small round houses forming villages and, according to the Castilians, practiced crude fortification. There are notable differences in the type of habitat depending on the island. For example, in Lanzarote, the dwellings, which formed settlements, were generally constructed using dry stone and topped with a false vault, following a construction scheme similar to the "casas hondas" documented in the Middle Atlas region. On the other hand, in Gran Canaria, we find both surface settlements, as seen in the archaeological park of Cueva Pintada in Gáldar, and cave dwellings, either natural or carved into the stone, such as the cases of Ansite or Guayadeque. In the remaining islands, the most common habitat was natural caves. There were settlements where Europeans later founded cities and towns, such as Añazo (Santa Cruz de Tenerife), Aguere (San Cristóbal de La Laguna), and Candelaria in Tenerife; and in the case of Gran Canaria, Agaldar (Gáldar), Telde, and Agüimes, among others. On the island of Tenerife, the Archaeological Zone of the Cueva de los Guanches stands out, where the oldest settlements on the island have been found, providing the oldest chronologies in the archipelago. Dating back to the 3rd century BC, it has been a significant discovery. The Caves of Don Gaspar are also noteworthy due to the finding of carbonized plant remains, confirming the practice of agriculture in Tenerife during the times of the Guanches. Both sites are located in the municipality of Icod de los Vinos. Other important settlements were situated near the Cueva de Chinguaro (Güímar) and the Cueva de Achbinico (Candelaria). These two caves seem to have had a religious function, as the Guanches worshipped the Virgin of Candelaria as their goddess Chaxiraxi. On the island of Gran Canaria, the main settlement center was Agaldar, known today as Gáldar, until the division occurred with the establishment of the Telde guanartemato. Religion & mythology Deities Supreme god The ancient inhabitants of the Canary Islands were part of a deistic culture, as they held a belief in a Supreme Being who created and sustained the world, residing in the heavens above. Across all the Canary Islands, the sky was revered as the abode of this Supreme Being. Scholars, including Professor Juan Álvarez Delgado, propose that this belief may have been influenced by the continuous interactions between the aboriginals and Mediterranean sailors since the 14th century. Additionally, the efforts of Christian missionaries may have played a role in shaping their spiritual outlook. However, other researchers, like Jesús M. Fernández Rodríguez, suggest that the aboriginals fused their indigenous notions of a tribal divinity, often characterized as omnipresent and universal, with the concept of the Christian God. The Guanches referred to this supreme divinity by various names depending on the island. In Gran Canaria, they called it Acorán or Alcorac, while Abora was the name used on La Palma, and on Tenerife the Guanches had a supreme god, called Achamán, and a supreme goddess, called Chaxiraxi. Jean-Baptiste Bory de Saint-Vincent documented the name Althos for Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, although subsequent historians like Dominik J. Wölfel cast doubt on its accuracy. As for the belief system of the Guanches from La Gomera, traditional historical sources provide limited information. Engineer Leonardo Torriani suggests that they worshipped a creature resembling a black, furry, bipedal dog, which they referred to as Hirguan (possibly related to the iruene of La Palma). Torriani also mentions a Gomeran seer named Eiunche, who sought to enlighten his fellow islanders about the true god, named Orahan, residing in the celestial realm, while identifying Hirguan as his adversary. However, Professor Alejandro Cioranescu argues that Torriani's account may have been influenced by confusion with events from the neighboring island of El Hierro. Divine dyad Among the aboriginal people of El Hierro and Tenerife, the concept of a "divine couple" appears in their beliefs, which, in both cases, after the conquest, were syncretized with the Christian principles of God/Jesus and the Virgin Mary. The Bimbaches, for instance, believed in a masculine principle called Eraorahan, meaning "the one who is in the burning or shining," which was worshipped by men. They also believed in a feminine principle called Moneiba, meaning "smoking brightness," which was venerated by women. On the other hand, the Guanches of Tenerife believed in two main divinities, equally male and female. The supreme god, representing a creative and sustaining principle, was referred to by different names according to their attributes: Achamán, meaning "the Sparkling One"; Achuhurahan, meaning "behold the one who is in the burning or shining"; Achuhucanac, meaning "behold the one who is in the rain"; Achguayaxerax, meaning "behold the spirit/origin that sustains the universe"; Atguaychafanataman, meaning "behold the spirit/origin of the lightning's light"; or Achuguayo, meaning "the one who is spirit/origin." The supreme goddess was Chaxiraxi, meaning "the one who carries or supports the firmament," also known as Achmayex Guayaxerax, meaning "behold his mother, the Spirit that sustains the universe." According to Diego Cuscoy, this was a conservative female principle that the Guanches associated with the image of the Virgin of Candelaria, who appeared on the beaches of Güímar. Worship of celestial bodies The worship of celestial bodies was also practiced by the aboriginal people of all the Canary Islands. The sun was known as Magec, at least in Tenerife and Gran Canaria, and it is possible that it had a feminine character. One interpretation of the term is ma-aɣeq ("mother of radiance") or m-aɣeq ("she who has radiance"). This is in accordance with Berber continental cults (although there are exceptions). Magec seems to have been a central part of their devotions, and they made their oaths in its name. Evidence of this solar cult can be found in various rock engravings on the islands of Tenerife and La Palma, as well as in decorative motifs on pottery and clay objects from Gran Canaria, consisting of radiating circular figures. Recent archaeological research has also discovered the alignment of certain sites with the sunrise or sunset on solstices and equinoxes. In addition to the Sun goddess, the aboriginal people worshipped the Moon god (considered masculine in continental Berber mythology) and certain stars. To some researchers, the goddess Chaxiraxi was related to the moon and fertility, while for others she would be linked to the sun. She was analogous to the the Punic goddess Tīnnīt (Punic: 𐤕𐤍𐤕 tnt)—herself equivalent to the Phoenician goddess ʿAštārt (Phoenician and Punic: 𐤏𐤔𐤕𐤓𐤕 ʿštrt)—and romanized as Juno Caelestis. Other deities Aranfaybo, was a beneficial entity that took the form of a pig and mediated between the Bimbaches and their god during rain propitiatory rituals. Malignant deities In Tenerife, Gran Canaria, and La Palma, the aboriginal people believed in an evil principle called Guayota, Gabiot, and Iruene, respectively, which appeared to them in the form of large, shaggy dogs. These creatures were called tibicenas in Gran Canaria, while in Tenerife, the physician and historian Juan Bethencourt Alfonso mentioned the existence of other entities called Guañajé, Canajá, and Jucancha, protective deities of goats, sheep, and dogs, respectively. It was believed on these two islands that these malevolent genies inhabited the depths of the earth and volcanic areas, with the Guanches considering the inside of Mount Teide, which they called Echeide, as the location of hell. Pliny the Elder recorded Juba II's discoveries in his Natural History, written in 77 AD. He specifically referred to the huge dogs on the island of Canaria (Gran Canaria). Some speculate the ferocious dogs that were encountered on Juba's expedition in the Canary Islands were in fact seals, then called canēs marīnī, as the islands were home to dense populations of monk seals (Monachus monachus), now critically endangered. This was probably what struck the ancient Romans the most who established contact with these islands by sea, along with the numerous stranded whales. However, the aboriginals worshiped dog-like demons in most of the islands, including Gran Canaria, La Palma, La Gomera and Tenerife—known as Tibicena, Iruene, Hirguan and Jucancha, respectively. Furthermore, the aboriginals possibly mummified their dead along with dogs, as attested by findings at Llano de Maja in Las Cañadas del Teide. As a matter of fact, in the Barranco de Santos, Las Cañadas del Teide and Cañada de Pedro Méndez in Tenerife, and the Barranco de Guayadeque in Gran Canaria, skulls of unknown dogs of a great size have been found that date from before the arrival of the Castilians, which means their mythology might have been based on reality. The Guanches, the aboriginal people of Tenerife, believed these demon dogs are the sons of the devil, Guayota, the evil dark god. According to their mythology, one day Guayota abducted the goddess Magec, the sun, and took him inside the Teide volcano and plunged the world into darkness, until the sky god Achamán rescued him. During that long night, the tibicenas were born, appearing as if from nowhere. Fleeing from the harmful sun, they made the caves and the deepest ravines their home, digging deep into the mountains during the day, eager to flee from the light. It was said that in the ravines, pain and death awaits, because the tibicenas lurked there during the night, burning the darkness with the fire of their eyes and filling the air with their howls. The aboriginals made them offerings of food and honey, placing them in the crevices up high, where these evil spirits lived. Whenever something bad happened, or they appeared to someone of a high status, even bigger offerings were made, like goats and sheep. Afterlife The worship of the dead was especially unique, with burials accompanied by offerings or grave goods, demonstrating the belief of the aboriginal people of the Canary Islands in the survival of the soul. The practice of mummifying corpses on the island of Tenerife is particularly noteworthy. Mummies have also been found in Gran Canaria, La Gomera, El Hierro, and La Palma, although they were preserved through natural processes. Regarding the beliefs themselves, the English knight Sir Edmond Scory indicates that the Guanches believed that the souls of the wicked remained inside Mount Teide, while those of the good and brave dwelled in the valley of Aguere. On the other hand, the Majos believed that the spirits of their ancestors, known as Maxios, lived in the sea and approached the coast in the form of clouds during the summer solstice. Meanwhile, the aboriginal people of Gran Canaria believed that human souls originated from the Sun, and that their resting place is the fields of delight: en otro lugar que llaman campos o bosques de deleite están los encantados llamados Maxios i que allí están viuos i algunos están arrepentidos de lo mal que hicieron contra sus próximos y otros desuaríosTranslation: in another place they call fields or forests of delight, there are enchanted beings called Maxios who are alive, and some are repentant for the wrongs they did to their fellow beings and other misdeeds— Pedro Gómez Escudero Priests The aboriginals had priests or shamans who held a special connection with the gods and operated within a hierarchical structure. These spiritual leaders played a vital role in the aboriginal society, serving as intermediaries between the people and the divine realm. They possessed deep knowledge of religious rituals, ceremonies, and healing practices, and their positions within the hierarchy were determined by their level of spiritual wisdom and experience. In Tenerife, the spiritual advisor to the mencey (king) who oversaw worship was known as the guadameñe or guañameñe. Similarly, on Gran Canaria, the faycán held the responsibility of guiding spiritual and religious practices. In both Tenerife and Gran Canaria, women played integral roles in worship as well, known as maguadas or arimaguadas, and they actively participated in certain rituals. Notably, on Tenerife, there were priests known as kankus, who were specifically tasked with the worship of ancestor spirits and maxios (benevolent minor gods or genies, or domestic spirits and guardians of specific places). Idolatry A large number of aboriginal idols have been found on the islands, such as the Tara idol in Gran Canaria, the Guatimac idol in Tenerife, or the Zonzamas idol in Lanzarote. Similar figurines have also been discovered in the Cave of the Idols (Fuerteventura), La Palma, El Hierro, and La Gomera. In general, these idols usually represent fertility or protective spirits. The aboriginal idols resemble those found in the Neolithic period of Greece, the Cycladic islands, Cyprus, Crete, and Ancient Egypt, where statuettes and pottery markings appear together. Benahoaritan anthropomorphic terracotta figurine from La Palma. Benahoaritan terracotta figurine from La Palma. Benahoaritan zoomorphic terracotta figurine from La Palma. One of the first historians to talk about the aboriginal idols was Juan Bethencourt Alfonso, an inhabitant of Tenerife, who offers the following description of the idol called Guatimac found in the 19th century in the Barranco de Herques between Güímar and Fasnia on Tenerife: Uno que hemos examinado del farmacéutico del Puerto de la Cruz, Don Ramón Gómez, encontrado en 1885 en una grieta de una cueva del barranco de Erques en Fasnia, envuelto en pieles como todos los hallados, es un poco más pequeño, pero, aunque es de la misma familia se trata de un guatimac o séase como dice el vulgo, "del muñeco de barro" que a guisa de pectoral llevaban colgados al cuello los sacerdotes guañameñes y samarines. El símbolo o idolillo de que nos ocupamos es de barro cocido, aunque la torrefacción resulta desigual y de un color blanco amarillento. La figurilla está incompleta por haberse roto un pequeño trozo de lo que pudiera llamarse bóveda craneana, o mejor capacete, como lo indica la interrupción del perfil, y la línea de puntos señala el sitio, hacia el cuello, donde le atraviesa un agujero para pasar la correa y a fin de llevarla colgada. La figurilla es aplastada de delante a atrás y de un grueso en dicho sentido de 6 a 7 milímetros, menos en la base que tiene un centímetro.Translation: One that we have examined, from the pharmacist of Puerto de la Cruz, Don Ramón Gómez, found in 1885 in a crevice of a cave in the Erques ravine in Fasnia, wrapped in skins like all the others found, is slightly smaller. Although it belongs to the same family, it is a guatimac or, as the common people say, a "clay doll" that the Guanche priests of Guanama and Samara wore as a pectoral hanging around their necks. The symbol or idol we are discussing is made of baked clay, although the firing is uneven and of a yellowish-white color. The figurine is incomplete because a small piece, which could be called the cranial vault or better yet, the cap, as indicated by the interruption of the profile, has broken off. The dotted line indicates the location where a hole passes through the neck for the strap to pass through and hang it. The figurine is flattened from front to back and has a thickness in that direction of 6 to 7 millimeters, except at the base, which measures one centimeter.— Juan Bethencourt Alfonso, Historia del Pueblo Guanche Syncretism with Christianity With the arrival of the Spanish conquistadors and the subsequent colonization of the Canary Islands, the aboriginal beliefs underwent a process of syncretism with Christianity. The Catholic Church played a significant role in this process, as it sought to incorporate and integrate the indigenous population into the Christian faith. Many of the indigenous deities and concepts were assimilated into Christian practices, often by associating them with Christian figures. For example, the image of the Virgin of Candelaria, which was highly revered by the Guanches, became a focal point of Christian devotion on the island of Tenerife. The figure of the Virgin Mary was associated with the Guanche goddess Chaxiraxi, and the Christian God and Jesus were linked to the masculine principles worshipped by the indigenous people. Sacrifices This is a very little-known trait of the ancient aboriginals, but both archaeological evidence and chronicles have confirmed that they practiced both animal and human sacrifices. During the summer solstice, the Guanches from Tenerife had the custom of slaughtering a portion of their livestock and throwing it into a bonfire until the smoke rose to the sky. Juan Bethencourt Alfonso, however, claimed that the young goats were thrown into the fire alive with their legs tied so that their bleating could be heard by their deity. Animal sacrifices were also performed on the other islands. Regarding human sacrifices, Bethencourt Alfonso mentions that "there was a time when human victims were immolated on the island altars," referring to the sacrificial killing of a child during the summer solstice. In fact, it was customary for the Guanches of Tenerife to throw a live child off the Punta de Rasca cliff at sunrise during the summer solstice. At times, these infants came from any menceyate (kingdom) on the island, including the most distant one, Anaga. This suggests that it was a common practice throughout the island. Other types of human sacrifices are also documented, particularly associated with the death of the mencey (king), where adult men would plunge into the sea. The embalmers who prepared the mummies also had the custom of throwing themselves into the sea one year after the mencey's death. In Gran Canaria, bones of children mixed with those of kids have been found. Likewise, in Tenerife, amphorae have been found with the remains of children inside. This is evidence of another type of ritual infanticide than those who were thrown overboard. On La Palma, the Idafe Rock, a tall phonolitic rock located at the heart of the Caldera de Taburiente, was considered by the Benahoarites as an axis mundi and worshipped it. They believed that if it should collapse, catastrophies would befall the world. They made offerings of animal offal to avoid it, and they would sing the following chant: I iwiḍa, i iywan? IḍafKk ger-t; iywan tar-u Translation: And Idafe, does it fall [or] is it satiated?Go and toss it; [so] it is satiated soon. This ritual is recounted by several authors: Y tenian tanto temor no cayese y los matase, que no obstante que aunque cayera no les podia dañar por estar las moradas de ellos muy apartadas; por solo el temor acordaron que de todos los anímales que matasen para comer diesen aYdafe la Azadura; y assí muerto el anímal, y sacada la azadura / se yban con ella dos personas, y llegados donde el roque decían, cantando el que lleuaba la azadura Y Yguída, y Yguan Ydafe, que quíere decír: Dice que caerâ Ydafe. Y respondía el otro cantando: Que guerte yguan taro: que quíere decír, dalelo que traes, y no caerâ. Dícho esto la arrojaba, y daba conla azadura, y seyban, la qual quedaba por pasto para los cuerbos, y quebrantahuesos, que en estaYsla llamaban Guírres. Translation: And they were so afraid that it would fall and kill them, even though if it fell it could not harm them because their dwellings were very far away; only out of fear, they agreed that from all the animals they killed for food, they would give the entrails to Ydafe. So, once the animal was dead and the entrails were removed, two people would take them and go to the place where the cliff was, singing as they went, the one carrying the entrails would sing Y Yguída, y Yguan Ydafe, which means: "It is said Ydafe will fall." And the other would respond by singing: Que guerte yguan taro, which means: "Give what you carry, and it will not fall." After saying this, they would throw the entrails, and they would fall on the ground, leaving them as food for the ravens and ossifrages, which are called "guirres" on this island. — Juan de Abréu Galindo - 1590 Yguida iguan Aidefe Quegueire Iguantaro — Marín - 1694 Y Iguida, y Iguan, Idafe Guegerte, y guantaro — George Glas - 1764 Yguida Yguan Idafe Guerye Yguan Tanó — Viera - 1772 Rites and celebrations The Beñesmen or Beñesmer was the most important festival of the ancient aborigines of the Canary Islands, mainly among the Guanches of the island of Tenerife. It was the name given to the month of August before the Castilian conquest in the 15th century, also extending to the harvest celebrations that took place during that time. The philologist and historian Juan Álvarez Delgado proposes that the meaning of Beñesmer is “second month,” “second lunar cycle,” or “second measure,” derived from the primary form beñe-smet or beñ-i-smet, where smet corresponds to the indigenous denomination for the number two, as described by the explorer Niccoloso da Recco in Gran Canaria. Ignacio Reyes suggests that the translation of Beñesmer would be 'the one that evaporates, consumes, or ends,' deriving it from a possible primary form wənna əsmer. It also appears in documentation with the forms beñasmer, begnesmet, benismer, and benismen. The traditional authors Juan de Abréu Galindo and Leonardo Torriani state in their works from the late 16th century that Beñesmer was the name of the month of August, noting that it was the time when the aboriginals harvested their crops of barley and wheat. Another contemporary author, Fray Alonso de Espinosa, does not use the term but indicates that: Cuando hacían su agosto y recogían los panes, hacían juntas y fiestas en cada reino, como en agradecimiento del  bien recibido, y eran estas fiestas tan privilegiadas, que aunque hubiese guerra se podía pasar de un reino a otro seguramente a ellas.Translation: When they made their 'August' and harvested the bread, they held gatherings and festivities in each kingdom, as a sign of gratitude for what they had received, and these festivities were so privileged that even during times of war, one could safely travel from one kingdom to another to attend them. Thus, the use of the term Beñesmer has been extended to designate the harvest festivals that take place during the summer months, characterized by grand banquets and various games. On the other hand, Tomás Arias Marín de Cubas indicates that Beñasmer or the first moon of August marked the beginning of the year according to the Guanche calendar. For the historian and physician Juan Bethencourt Alfonso, Beñesmer referred to the legislative assembly of aboriginal society, composed of what he called the 'Great Tagoro' and the 'Body of Chaureros,' institutions formed by the nobles of each kingdom. Their attributions were extensive, with the author stating that they 'oversaw, regulated, and legislated on all matters related to the life of a people under a socialist-communist regime.' These assemblies were celebrated for nine days during the third decade of April, the second decade of August, and the third decade of December. According to some authors, the festivities held in honor of the Virgin of Candelaria during the month of August in the homonymous town are a syncretized remnant of the ancient Beñesmer celebrations of the indigenous people. Burials and mummification or mirlado The ancient Canarian mummies, known as xaxos /'ʃaʃos/, mirlados /miɾˈla.ð̞os/ (“embalmed ones”) and enzurronados /ensuroˈna.ð̞os / (“leather-bagged ones”), and  are intentionally desiccated remains of the indigenous Guanche people, ancient inhabitants of Tenerife, also known as the Canary Islanders. The mummification process took place before the archipelago was conquered by the Crown of Castile in the 15th century. The embalming methods used were similar to those used in Ancient Egypt, but few ancient Canarian mummies remain due to looting and desecration. Pre-Hispanic mummification in the Canary Islands was concentrated in Tenerife. There is a debate about the true nature of the mummies found on the island of Gran Canaria, with some researchers suggesting that there was no genuine intention to mummify the deceased and that the good preservation of some of them is due to environmental factors. The mummies from La Palma are preserved due to these environmental factors, whereas the existence of mummification is not confirmed in La Gomera and El Hierro. In Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, this practice is excluded. The best-preserved and most studied mummies are found in Tenerife. In 1933, the Guanche necropolis of Uchova was discovered in the municipality of San Miguel de Abona, estimated to have contained between sixty and seventy-four mummies before it was almost completely looted. Physical examination of the Guanche mummies in Tenerife revealed that they were relatively tall, with an average height of 1.70 meters for males and 1.57 meters for females. They were generally robust in build. The oldest mummified remains in the Canary Islands were found on the island of Tenerife and date back to the 3rd century AD. Medieval Spanish explorers who arrived on the islands in the 14th century reported that low-status individuals were buried in sandy graves, while members of the upper class were mummified and placed in isolated caves. One of these mortuary caves could contain up to a thousand mummies, but many have disappeared over time, largely due to the popularity of "mummia," a pharmaceutical substance made from powdered mummies. Mummification was carried out by groups of Guanche men and women, and the process varied according to the sex of the deceased. Due to the nature of the work, Guanche culture considered these individuals to be impure. Through scientific analysis, three methods of mummification have been discovered: evisceration, preservation, and packing. These methods were used in different combinations depending on the time period in which the mummy was created. The mummification process involved the removal of internal organs, preservation through the use of substances such as resins and local plants, and the wrapping of the body in animal skins. The number of animal skins used to wrap the deceased corresponded to their social status, with kings being wrapped in up to fifteen skins. Petroglyphs The rock carvings, i.e. petroglyphs, in the Canary Islands have been created using various techniques. The most commonly used technique is through the incision with a sharp object that leaves a V-shaped profile on the rock. Discontinuous pecking involves creating impact points with a percussive tool. Afterwards other treatment techniques could have been used to polish and regularize the grooves, as is the case in the station of La Zarza (Garafía, La Palma), where some motifs were abraded to remove traces of pecking. In these cases where these points are connected, it is referred to as continuous pecking. The pecking technique was most likely made through indirect percussion, using a hammer and chisel, and only the simpler motifs could have been made with direct percussion. Another technique employed is the abrasion or wearing down of the rock surface through friction. Before the final motif was created, the design was probably scratched on the stone. Some scholars assert the tools used to create these engravings were most likely lithic instruments. No specific tool was used, any pointy stone harder than the supporting rock would suffice. This required the tool to be constantly replaced as it would wear down quickly. Apparently, any stone could have been used to carve, as no artefacts were found at the sites. On the other hand, other scholars claim that due to the hardness of the volcanic rock these engravings were made on, metal had to be used, and since the islands lack metal deposits, this means the aboriginals never severed their ties with the continent. Rock engravings on the Canary Islands represent different patterns and motifs, and can be divided among the following types: Alphabetic: They are written in two scripts, the Libyco-Canarian abjad (the entire archipelago) and the Latino-Canarian alphabet (Fuerteventura and Lanzarote). Geometric: They are the most common and widespread type on the archipelago. They appear in different forms, including linear (Risco Bisechi, Arona, Tenerife), circular, spiral (La Zarza, Garafía, La Palma), cruciform, rhomboid, and chequered (La Hoya, San Miguel, Tenerife). Anthropomorphic: They represent stylized human forms. They are not common and are only known in Gran Canaria (Barranco de Balos, Agüimes) and Tenerife (Aripe, Guía de Isora). Zoomorphic: They represent animals, such as lizards (Barranco de Balos, Agüimes, Gran Canaria), fishes, bulls (Cañada de los Ovejeros, El Tanque, Tenerife), and horses. They are likewise rare. Podomorphic: They are footprint-shaped, sometimes possessing finger-like fringes on the top. They are frequent in Fuerteventura (Montaña de Tindaya, La Oliva) and in North Africa. Naviform: They are representations of boats and ships. These are found in locations with great visibility, and generally on the southern slopes of the islands. Most rock engravings on the Canary Islands are alphabetic, written in the Libyco-Berber script that was brought by the first settlers from North Africa. Palman geometric petroglyphs One of the impressive circular petroglyphs, called "Rosetón", of La Zarza, Garafía, La Palma. Circular petroglyphs at La Zarza, Garafía, La Palma. Circular petroglyphs at La Fajana, La Palma. These engravings are the most remarkable of this station, and occupy a privileged situation in the panel. The perimeter of the upper motif is composed by two concentric circles from which 20 lines coalesce towards a central circle. The lower motif is smaller and simpler, with three concentric circles with meandriform lines in its interior. Meandriform petroglyphs on volcanic rock at Buracas, La Palma. Spiriform petroglyphs on volcanic rock at Buracas, La Palma. Spiriform petroglyphs at El Verde, La Palma. Spiriform petroglyphs at El Verde, La Palma. A spiriform petroglyph on volcanic rock at Buracas, La Palma. Without a doubt, La Palma is the island that possesses the largest amount of petroglyphs in the Canary Islands, and are therefore its most notable archaeological remains. La Palma has a great amount of petroglyphs, most of which have complex geometric designs. The immense majority can be classified into four types: circular, spiriform, meandriform and linear petroglyphs. Sometimes, these designs can be combined into spectacular ensemble of great beauty, like panel nr. 19 of the site La Zarza, known as the "rosetón", and considered as the Sistine Chapel of the Canarian rock art. A special feature of these engravings is the fact that, even though sometimes the designs might be similar, they are all unique. The greatest concentration of carvings are located in Garafía and El Paso, and the third most important nucleus would be the ridge of the Caldera de Taburiente. Dispersed nuclei include those of Mazo, Fuencaliente, Santa Cruz de La Palma, Puntallana, Tijarafe and Puntagorda. It is evident that these petroglyphs show striking similarities to the so-called “megalithic” signs, like the ones that cover the inside of the cairn of Gavrinis in France. Some scholars tried to search for these roots of an “Atlantic culture,” but there is no evidence of such a connection so far whatsoever. On the other hand, it is no secret that North African rock art provides thousands of examples which show an obvious similarity to Canarian ones. Curvilinear geometric designs have been found in the Atlas Mountains in Morocco, and incorporate vertical expanding concentric ovals flanked at either side by a design of half concentric ovals. They were pecked into large stepped sandstone blocks resting on sandstone bedrock. The chronology of the Palman petroglyphs is problematic. In any case, three phases are established: the initial, intermediate and final phases. In the initial phase, the carvings are of great perfection and had an abrading finish in order to regularize and polish the grooves. The most complex engravings of a wide array of themes are included in this phase. The intermediate phase also possesses complex engravings, but the grooves are less regular and the abrading technique was abandoned, hence the percussion traces are still noticeable. The final phase includes a series of motifs that were made by people that had arrived during conquest, at the end of the 15th century. The representations are simpler and the themes are less varied. What does seem clear is that their rock art was brought by the earliest settlers in 500 BC from Northwest Africa. Perhaps, their initial lack of knowledge of the island's environments and its limited resources made them want to perform religious practices that were meant to promote rainfall or fertility, of which the petroglyphs might have been part of. This would explain the initial complexity and perfection of the petroglyphs. Over time, the indigenous population would adapt to their new environments, and even though these practices were not at all abandoned, they were less elaborate. The most widely accepted theories talk about a cult either to fertility and the goddess of springs and water, or to a solar cult. In point of fact, many stations are located near springs and water, but also on promontories, near caves or on pastures and routes. Canarian podomorphs Podomorphs are petroglyphs that, as their name indicates, resemble a foot or several foots. They're rectangular with sepparated strokes to represent the toes, although some carvings are oval or without any digitations. Strokes in the inside of the contour might be representing footwear. The largest concentration is located on Mount Tindaya, in Fuerteventura, with 312 carvings registered. Similar carvings have been found on other islands, like the Piedra del Majo in Lanzarote, and also in El Julán in El Hierro, Barranco de Balos in Gran Canaria and El Roque de Bento and El Roquito in Tenerife. Boat representations or naviform petroglyphs Representations of boats have been carved all over the Canary Islands, but in most cases they were dated to several years before the arrival of the Europeans to the archipelago, to the exception of a hippos, a Phoenician ship, carved in the site of El Calvario (Garafía, La Palma). Aboriginal genetics in modern Canarians The conquest of the Canary Islands, despite intense colonization efforts and a relatively small native population, concluded abruptly without subsequent wars or significant losses from epidemics and violence. Today, a significant portion of the modern Canarian population can trace their ancestry back to the aboriginal Berbers, highlighting the enduring influence of the indigenous people on contemporary Canarian society. A genetic research article published in 2003 in the European Journal of Human Genetics, written by Nicole Maca-Meyer, compared the aboriginal mitochondrial genome (collected from Canarian archaeological sites) to that of present-day Canarians. The study concluded that despite the continuous changes that the Canarian population has undergone since the 15th century, when the archipelago was conquered by Spain (Spanish colonization, slave trade), indigenous mitochondrial DNA still represents a significant percentage [42-73%] in the Canary Islands. According to the article, both percentages were obtained through two estimation methods, but the study itself suggests that the more reliable percentage is 73%. Based on historical and anthropological data from the islands, at least two-thirds of the Canarian population have indigenous ancestry since the late 16th century. Maca-Meyer suggests that the historical evidence is compatible with the explanation of a "strong sexual asymmetry." She indicates that pairings between European men and indigenous women were common, especially after the significant male mortality among the indigenous population during the conquest. Consequently, native men decreased considerably in number due to war, while a significant number of Spanish men remained on the islands and married local women. Canary Islanders adopted Spanish names, surnames, language, and religion, thus becoming Hispanicized. It is important to note that although the Spanish were the conquerors of the Canary Islands, they were not the only colonizers. The islands were repopulated by Spanish, Portuguese (whose numbers surpassed those of the Spanish during the 16th century), French, Flemish, and Italian (especially Genoese) settlers, who, after learning Spanish, mixed with the population. According to a study conducted in 2005, despite the geographical proximity between the Canary Islands and Morocco, the male genetic lineage of the Canary Islands population is predominantly of European origin. In fact, almost 67% of the haplogroups are the result of people from Eurasia. As expected, the Spanish conquest brought the European genetic base to the current male population of the Canary Islands. However, the second most significant haplogroup family is of North African origin, from the Near and Middle East. The Y-DNA haplogroups include haplogroup E (14% if including the 7% of haplogroup E-M81 found in the general Berber population), E1b1a (2%), J (10%), and T (3%). These haplogroups account for approximately 27% of the island's population. Even if some of these "Eastern" haplogroups were introduced by the Spanish, it can be assumed that a significant portion of this rate was already present at the time of the conquest. In 2009, Fregel estimated that, based on the frequency of the Y chromosome and mitochondrial DNA, the contribution of Guanche women and men to the current population of the Canary Islands was approximately 41.8% and 16.1%, respectively. Mitochondrial DNA Maternal lineages in terms of mitochondrial DNA are characterized by the prevalence of North African lineages, followed by European lineages, and finally, to a small percentage, Sub-Saharan lineages. According to various studies, the percentages are as follows: Autosomal DNA The earliest whole-genome data of pre-Hispanic inhabitants from the 7th to the 11th century shows that the aboriginal people were genetically similar over time and had the closest genetic affinity to existing Northwest Africans, supporting the hypothesis of a Berber origin. It is estimated that the aboriginal population has contributed 16-31% of autosomal ancestry to the modern inhabitants of the Canary Islands (Rodríguez-Varela et al. 2017). Sources (Coming soon.) Keywords #guanches #benahoaritas #CanaryIslands #IslasCanarias #archeology #arqueología #history #prehistory #MuseoArqueológicoBenahoarita

Origin of the ancient Canarians Friar Alonso de Espinosa writes in his work at the end of the 16th century a folklore from the Guanches, the inhabitants from Achineche (Tenerife): Los naturales Guanches viejos dizẽ que tienẽ noticia de inmemorable tiẽpo, que vinieron a eſta Isla ſeſenta perſonas, mas no ſaben de donde, y ſe juntaron y hizieron ſu habitacion junto a Icode que es vn lugar deſta Isla, y el lugar de ſu morada llamauan en ſu lengua. Alzanxiquian abcanahac xerax, que quiere dezir, Lugar del ayuntamiento del hijo del grande Translation: The aged Guanches say they possess tidings from time immemorial, that sixty people came to this island, yet they do not know whence, and they gathered and settled near Icod, which is a place on this island, and in their tongue they named their abode Alzanxiquian abcanahac xerac, which means: 'Place of the assembly of the son of the great one' — Friar Alonso de Espinosa - 1594 Identity Despite popularly being called Guanches, this gentilic only refers to the ancient inhabitants of Tenerife. A plethora of theories have been created about the provenance of the people that inhabited the Canarian archipelago in the past, but all evidence suggests the ancient Canarians to be of Berber origin. According to Fregel's studies in 2009, the presence of E-M81 lineages, as well as other relatively abundant markers (E-M78 and the M267-J subgroup) native to North Africa found in the indigenous Canarian population, strongly suggests that North Africa is the most likely origin of the ancestors of the ancient Canarians. Their writing system was Libyco-Berber, a script shared with Berbers in North Africa. Their austere cone-bottom pottery, stone tools, stone mills and wooden weaponry bear a striking similarity with the contemporary continental Berbers. Roman author and military officer Pliny the Elder, drawing upon the accounts of Juba II, the king of Mauretania, mentions a Mauretanian expedition around 50 BC that discovered ruins of structures on the islands. However, no population was found during this expedition. This account raises questions about the existence of other inhabitants on the islands prior to the Canarian Berbers, or whether the expedition may have failed to thoroughly explore the islands. alteram insulam Iunoniam appellari; in ea aediculam esse tantum lapide exstructam. Translation: The other island was called Junonia, in it a small temple is built only of stone. — Pliny the Elder, Natural History, Book 6, paragraph 37 - ca. 77 CE appare ibi vestigia aedificiorum Translation: traces of buildings appear there [Canaria] — Pliny the Elder, Natural History, Book 6, paragraph 37 - ca. 77 CE The circumstances in which the arrival took place are currently unknown, although it could have been motivated by the expansion of other civilisations in their homeland known today as Tamazgha (Maghreb), like the Phoenicians or Carthaginians. Perhaps they were a rebellious tribe that stood against those expansions, or they might even have been transferred to the islands to set up a supply base outside the Mediterranean. According to one theory, the islands were originally settled by the Canarii tribe of Berbers from the Atlas Mountains in what is now Morocco which were mentioned by Pliny the Elder in 77 CE in his Historia Naturalis (1-11, 5.1.9). Interestingly, an aboriginal legend said that they were descended from royalty from a faraway place. The possibility that these peoples arrived by their own means cannot be discarted. Despite that navigation was apparently unknown to them at the time of the Castilian conquest in the 15th century, the aboriginals from Gran Canaria built boats to fish or to raid and pillage neighboring islands. They carved boats out of dragon trees, and added a stone ballast to the hold of the boat to provide stability. However, the present writer believes the Canarii of Pliny are most likely to be equated to the Nukkari/Nakkari tribe which dwelled the Moroccan Atlas in the Middle Ages. It must be noted that the term "Canarii" is an exonym, not an endonym, and that it has possibly suffered metathesis between the /n/ and /k/ phonemes influenced by folk etymology, rooted in the belief that they shared the same diet as dogs, called "canēs" (genitive singular "canis") in Latin. This phenomenon of foreign words being reshaped to match a new meaning in the native language was very common in antiquity when toponyms and demonyms were latinised or helenised. Suetonius Paulinus, quem consulem vidimus, primus Romanorum ducum transgressus quoque Atlantem aliquot milium spatio, [...] qui proximos inhabitent saltus, refertos elephantorum ferarumque et serpentium omni genere, Canarios appellari, quippe victum eius animalis promiscuum iis esse et dividua ferarum viscera. Translation: Suetonius Paulinus, whom we saw as consul, was the first of the Roman commanders to cross the Atlas, covering a distance of several thousand miles, [...] The people who inhabit the neighboring forests, filled with elephants, wild animals, and snakes of all kinds, are called Canarii, as the food of those animals [dogs] is common to them and they share the entrails of wild creatures. — Pliny the Elder quoting Suetonius Paulinus, Historia Naturalis 1-11, 5.1.9 - ca. 77 CE Therefore, the etymology of the name of the Canarii from the Atlas differs from that of the island of Canaria which has been equated to Gran Canaria. proximam ei Canariam vocari a multitudine canum ingentis magnitudinis, ex quibus perducti sunt Iubae duo. Translation: next to it one named Canaria, from its multitude of dogs of a huge size, two of which were brought home to Juba. — Pliny the Elder, Historia Naturalis 1-11, 6.37.2 - ca. 77 CE Indeed, different islands of the Canaries, with little contact (perhaps none) between them, worshipped demonic entities which resembled ferocious woolly dogs. In Tenerife they were called Jucancha; in Gran Canaria they were known as Tibicenas; in La Palma they were referred to as Iruene; and lastly, in La Gomera they were known as Hirguan, which incidentally were bipedal. The latter two terms possibly are etymologically related. se les aparecía muchas veces de noche, y de día como grandes perros lanudos; y en otras figuras a los cuales llamaban tibisenas Translation: they appeared to them often at night, and during the day as large woolly dogs; and in other forms which they called tibisenas — Juan de Abréu Galindo, Historia de la conquista de las siete islas de Gran Canaria - 1632 However, according to other scholars, the etymology for the Canary Islands is derived from the Berber root knr, i.e. “large front”, figuratively meaning “battle front.” However, the present writer believes this to not be accurate, as the ancient authors had already named one of the Fortunate Isles Canaria, and could not have derived this from any local language as they claim they did not encounter natives. Either way, the aboriginals of the Canary Islands inhabited the archipelago for around 2000 years, and archaeological, linguistic, epigraphic and genetic evidence points out they were Berber in origin. Above, the drastically different environments the Berbers encountered in the Canary Islands upon their arrival. The archipelago consists of seven large and several smaller islands, all of which are volcanic in origin. They lie in the path of the north-east trade winds that carry moisture. The winds create distinct microclimates on the taller and newer islands of the West as a result, and their windward side is heavily covered in pine tree forests and laurisilva. In the East however, the lower, older and eroded islands no longer reach the moisture carried by the winds and are effectively desert. When they reached the islands The time of arrival to the archipelago is not certain. Isolated radiocarbon dates obtained are not equal on all islands of the archipelago. For example, the site of Buenavista in Lanzarote has produced a C-14 dating of the 10th century BCE, a quite early date which would make sense considering the proximity of the island to the African coast. On Tenerife, the oldest dates yielded by C-14 are from the 5th century BCE, and perhaps as far back as 600 BCE, a date obtained by indirect datations from Cueva de los Guanches. In the case of La Palma, the oldest date obtained was the 3rd century BCE. However, some of the dating is disputed by some scholars. The oldest reliable date that radio-carbon dating has yielded is the last quarter of the 1st century BCE. How they reached the islands There are different theories regarding how the ancient Canarians reached the islands. Some scholars believe they came by their own means, perhaps due to Phoenician, Carthaginian or Roman pressure in northwest Africa; others, that they were deported by another civilisation. What is certain is that the first settlers of these islands carried out a real colonization, since they had to provide goats, sheep, pigs, dogs and seeds, which served as the basis for the subsequent development of livestock and agriculture. Late Medieval historians did not encounter any vessels on the beaches of the Canary Islands, nor any aboriginals fishing in boats or canoes. This has lead some scholars to believe that the ancient Canarians were deported by the Romans to the Canary Islands, as a result of rebellions and conflicts. This practice was very common throughout history, and was carried out by different civilisations. For example, the Achaemenid King of Kings had a policy of exiling rebelling Greek communities to Bactria on the opposite corner of their vast empire, which preceded the arrival of Alexander the Great and his Macedonian and other Greek troops to the region; Shapur II of the Sasanian Empire—known as ذو الأكتاف (Ḏū'l-Aktāf "he who pierces shoulders") by contemporary Arabs (Daryaee 2009)—deported the Arab tribes of Banū Taġlib, Banū ʿAbd al-Qays, Banū Tamīm, Banū Bakr and Banū Ḥanṭalah to other regions of the Arabian Peninsula and to territories within the Sasanian Empire, following his campaigns in the Arabian Peninsula as retribution for their raids on Persian cities on the northern shore of the Persian Gulf and of Xūzestān. This theory is endorsed with the following reference from Abréu Galindo: [...] y así, cortadas las lenguas, hombres, mujeres e hijos los metieron en navíos con algún proveimiento y, pasándolos a estas islas, los dejaron con algunas cabras y ovejas para su sustentación [...] Translation: [...] and so, with their tongues cut, men women and children were boarded on ships with some supplies and sent to these islands, leaving them with some goats and sheep for their sustenance [...] — Juan de Abréu Galindo However, the present writer is of the opinion that the Berbers were not deported to the islands by another civilisation due to the following reasons. According to radiocarbon dating, Berbers have been inhabiting the islands before the Roman annexation of Mauretania as the provinces of Mauretania Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis, ruling out Roman involvement in a possible deportation of the Berbers. The Roman name for one of the islands mentioned by Pliny during his description of Juba’s expedition, Capraria, which seems to suggest a large amount of goats present on the island, also supports this view, since goats were not native to any of the islands and were brought by the Berber settlers. Also, only Lanzarote and Islote de Lobos are known to have had contact with the Romans as attested by archaeological evidence, and possibly also Fuerteventura, as epicraphic evidence written in the Latin-influenced Libyco-Canarian script seems to suggest. It could then be argued that they might have been deported by the earlier Phoenicians or Carthaginians, but there is no real hard evidence to support that these two civilisations ever even visited the islands (except for a possible rock carving of a Phoenician hippos in La Palma). Most importantly, it also seems that the three westernmost islands of the Canaries—La Palma, La Gomera and El Hierro—were apparently not known to ancient authors, but were inhabited by Berbers nonetheless. Instead, this writer suggests mere desire for expansion or conflicts and slave trade as a possible cause for Berbers to migrate away from powerful Mediterranean civilisations by their own means. Before the arrival of the Romans, the Carthaginians in northwest Africa participated in slavery, as Diodorus Siculus recounts: Hasdrubal, the son-in‑law of Hamilcar, having been sent by his father-in‑law to Carthage to take part in the war with the Numidians who had revolted against the Carthaginians, cut down eight thousand men and captured two thousand alive; the rest of the Numidians were reduced to slavery, having formerly paid tribute — Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, 25.10.3 - 1st century BCE It is noteworthy that the Berbers living across the stretch of sea that separates the Canaries from the Saharan coastline is only 96,5 km wide, and that therefore the highest summits of Fuerteventura can be seen from Africa on clear days. The constant view of these unknown lands potentially could have intrigued the most intrepid Berbers living on the edge of the vast desert, and it may have enticed them to set sail to reach them. This arid environment demands a nomadic lifestyle of constant search for pasture, but fishing is another source of meat among the few that are available, so at least some of these coastal Berbers must have been somewhat familiar with navigating, either by their own merit, or due to contact with thalassocratic civilisations such as the Greeks, Phoenicians or Carthaginians, who possessed colonies nearby and were expert navigators. In conclusion, the possibility of the Berbers reaching the islands without intervention from other civilisations cannot be ruled out. In fact, there might be evidence of barques being used by the natives in Muḥammad al-ʾIdrīsī's "Nuzhat al-Muštāq fī-ẖtirāq al-āfāq," in which he tells about the Muġarrirīn, seafarers from al-ʾAndalus who visited certain islands in the Atlantic Sea: After sailing for twelve more days they perceived an island that seemed to be inhabited, and there were cultivated fields. They sailed that way to see what it contained. But soon barques encircled them and made them prisoners, and transported them to a miserable hamlet situated on the coast. There they landed. — Muḥammad al-ʾIdrīsī, Nuzhat al-Muštāq fī-ẖtirāq al-āfāq, Chapter 2, pages 548-549 - ca. 1150 CE Also, the military engineer Leonardo Torriani recounted that, on occasion, the natives from Gran Canaria crafted boats for fishing or to raid other islands: [...] hacían barcos de árbol de drago, que cavaban entero, y después le ponían lastre de piedra, y navegaban con remos y con vela de palma alrededor de las costas de la isla; y también tenían por costumbre pasar a Tenerife y a Fuerteventura y robar Translation: [...] they crafted ships from dragon trees, which they hollowed out, and afterwards added a stone ballast, and navigated with oars and a sail made from palm leaves around the coasts of the island; and also had the habit of going to Tenerife and Fuerteventura to raid — Leonardo Torriani – 1590 There is some evidence that points at the possibility that several successive waves of migration to the Canary Islands took place. By 2,700 years ago the central Sahara had become a desert until the present-day, but later fluctuations in climate produced brief humid spells along the edges of the Sahara, such as a moister period between 500 BCE to 300 CE in Northern Africa, and another one around 100 BCE in the western Sahel. Therefore, these successive migration waves to the Canaries may have been a result of the progressive desertification of the Sahara Desert. Supposing that the Berbers did manage to reach the islands on their own, an explanation for the lack of any sort of vessels at the time of Castilian conquest is that as the newly arrived Berbers progressively learned to adapt to the islands, they realized that their new lands provided everything they required, and the need for navigating decreased. And so, over time, the following generations lost the skill of boat crafting and the knowledge to navigate the strong currents that kept other civilisations of the world at bay for all those centuries. Physical appearance Pliny the Elder, Strabo and other ancient authors, in their geographical writings, mention the Fortunate Isles but provide no information about the people inhabiting these islands. However, the Canary Islands may have been visited by Andalusi seafarers who caled themselves the Muġarrirīn (Arabic: المُغَرِّرِين "the adventurers"), which is recounted by Muḥammad al-ʾIdrīsī, and provided a potential account of its inhabitants: The navigators saw there people with red skin; there was not much hair on their body, the hair of their head was straight, and they were of high stature. Their women were of an extraordinary beauty. — Muḥammad al-ʾIdrīsī, Nuzhat al-Muštāq fī-ḫtirāq al-āfāq - ca. 1150 CE Some 400 years later, the men were described by late Medieval historians as being "tall, robust and strong with attractive facial features." Friar Alonso de Espinosa provides a physical description of the Guanches, the inhabitants from Achineche (Tenerife): Es esta gente (los de la banda del Sur) de color algo tostada y morena, agora sea por traer este color de generación, agora sea por ser la tierra algo cálida y tostarlos el sol, por andar casi desnudos, como andaban. Mas los de la banda del Norte eran blancos, y las mujeres hermosas y rubias y de lindos cabellos. Translation: This people (those from the Southern band) have a somewhat toasted and tanned complexion, whether it be due to inheriting this colour from their ancestors, or because the land is somewhat warm and the sun tans them, as they walk nearly naked. However, those from the Northern band were white, and the women were beautiful, blonde, and had lovely hair. — Friar Alonso de Espinosa About the ancient Gomerans, Torriani said the following: Gli antichi Gomeri furono huomini alti di statura, forzuti, agili, belicosi, poco attilati nel uestire, et idolatri Translation: The ancient Gomerans were men of tall stature, strong, agile, bellicose, not very good at dressing, and idolaters. — Leonardo Torriani - 1590 The 16th to 17th century Canarian poet Antonio de Viana described the Canarian aboriginals in the following way: Tenían todos por la mayor parte Magnánimo valor, altivo espíritu, Valientes fuerzas, ligereza de brío; Dispuesto talle, cuerpo giganteo: Rostros alegres, graves y apacibles, Agudo entendimiento, gran memoria, Trato muy noble, honesto y agradable, Y fueron con exceso apasionados Del amor y provecho de su patria. Translation: They all possessed, for the most part, Magnanimous valor, a lofty spirit, Brave strength, agility of vigor; Well-formed figures, gigantic bodies: Cheerful, serious, and serene faces, Sharp intellect, great memory, Noble, honest, and pleasant demeanor, And they were exceedingly passionate About the love and welfare of their homeland. — Antonio de Viana - ca. 1600 Genetic results also provided insights into the phenotype of one individual, suggesting lactose intolerance, dark hair, medium to fair skin color, and brown eyes. Similar results were observed in other individuals with available information, indicating a dominant phenotype of lactose intolerance, dark hair, medium to fair skin color, and brown eyes (Rodríguez-Varela et al. 2017). The aboriginals exhibited a pronounced sexual dimorphism, with men being robust and ranging in height between 164 and 170 centimeters, while women stood between 152 and 158 cm. These heights varied in the regions known as the isolation zones—the mountainous massifs of Anaga and Teno—where men would not surpass 160 cm and women would not exceed 150 cm. In these areas, the sexual difference was less pronounced. Research suggests that the life expectancy of the Guanches ranged between 30 and 45 years. However, those belonging to the nobility, who had access to better nutrition and engaged in less physical exertion, could reach the age of 65. Archaeological evidence suggests the ancient Canarians can be classed into two variegate types: Proto-Mediterranean and Mechtoid, on the basis of cranial morphology. The Iberomaurusian type had "Cro-Magnoid" traits, possessing a broad, robust face and shorter stature, whereas the Proto-Mediterranean type had a gracile face and taller stature (Ilse Schwidetzky 1975). These different traits indicate that the ancient Canarians might be descendants of Iberomaurusians and the later Capsians. Skull of a Bimbache woman (from Eceró, i.e. El Hierro) with Proto-Mediterranean traits. 3D model created with photogrammetry. Skull of a Benahoarite man (from Benahoare, i.e. La Palma) with Mechtoid traits. 3D model created with photogrammetry. The Mechtoid phenotype and Iberomaurusian affinity Some of the aboriginals from the Canary Islands were related to the Iberomaurusians, also known by the less common name Western Oranians, which bore resemblance with the Cro-Magnon. Examples of the Iberomaurusians are the remains from the Cave of Taforalt (French: Grotte des Pigeons) near Berkān in Morocco, or the Man of ʾAfālū (Arabic: إِنْسَان أَفَالُو) which takes its name from the Algerian village of Maštah ʾAfālū (Arabic: مَشْتَة أَفَلُو), also known as Maštat al-ʿArbī (Arabic: مَشْتَة ٱلْعَرْبِي), located in the Tell Atlas (Arabic: الاطلس التلي, al-ʾAṭlas at-Tlī), hence the name "Mechtoid" for this phenotype. A peculiar practice of the Iberomaurusians—at least on the continent—is the extraction of the central incisors. The Iberomaurusian culture appeared during the Last Glacial Maximum and lasted until the early Holocene (c. 25/23,000–c. 11,000 cal BP). Their name, "of Iberia and Maurusia"—the Greek names for Latin Hispania and Mauretania—, is in reference to the now discounted belief that they extended into the Iberian peninsula, due to the microlithic toolkit that characterised them. The French palaeoanthropoligist René Verneau believed the Cro-Magnon migrated from France towards the north to Belgium and Netherlands, towards the southeast to Italy, and towards the southwest to Spain, extending from these last two regions to north Africa, and ultimately from here to the Canary Islands. This theory has now been completely rejected. It is now believed that the Iberomaurusians developed locally, and that they may have derived from the people of the Aterian culture of the Middle Palaeolithic from northwest Africa, both representing anatomically modern Homo sapiens. Iberomaurusian and Aterian specimens have been noted to share similarities with an archaic Homo sapiens, the Jebel Irhoud (Arabic: جَبَل إِغُود Ǧabal ʾIġūd; Tamazight: ⴰⴷⵔⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵉⵖⵓⴷ Adrar n Iɣud) specimens from western Morocco and dated to roughly 300,000 BP, though these have a continuous supraorbital torus whereas the Aterian and Iberomaurasian specimens have a discontinuous supraorbital torus, which in some cases is completely absent. The Proto-Mediterranean phenotype and Capsian affinity The other group of humans that contributed to the formation of the Berbers had a Proto-Mediterranean phenotype and were carriers of the Capsian culture. From the 8th milennium BP onwards, the Iberomaurusians started to disappear at the expense of the Capsians, and the latter would last until 2,700 BP. This culture originated in the Ouled Naïl Mountains (Arabic: جَبَال أَوْلَاد نَايِل Ǧabāl ʾŪlād Nāyl) of Algeria and the Aurès Mountains (Arabic: جَبَال الأَوْرَاس Ǧabāl al-ʾAwrās) of Algeria and Tunisia. Decorative art is widely found at their sites, including figurative and abstract rock art, ceramic with geometric motifs very similar to those used today in body adornment, and ochre is found coloring both tools and corpses. Other artefacts include ostrich eggshells that were used to make beads and containers, and seashells were used for necklaces. The Iberomaurusian practice of extracting the central incisors continued sporadically, but became rarer. Genetics In a study conducted by Maca-Meyer et al. in 2003, a total of 71 samples of mtDNA were extracted from the remains of Guanches who were buried across various Canary Islands around 1000 AD. The genetic analysis revealed that the examined Guanches displayed the closest genetic similarities to modern Moroccan Berbers, Canary Islanders, and Spaniards. Notably, they exhibited a significantly high prevalence of the maternal haplogroup U6b1. Interestingly, the frequency of U6b1 in present-day North Africa is remarkably low, suggesting that subsequent historical events have had a substantial impact on the genetic composition of the Berber population. Based on their findings, the authors of the study proposed that the Guanches were descendants of migrants originating from mainland North Africa who shared ancestral ties with the Berbers. Furthermore, it was estimated that the Guanches contributed approximately 42-73% to the maternal gene pool of contemporary Canary Islanders. In a study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2009, a total of 30 samples of Y-DNA were extracted from Guanches of the Canary Islands. Analysis of these samples revealed various paternal haplogroups, including E1a* (3.33%), E1b1b1a* (23.33%), E1b1b1b* (26.67%), I* (6.67%), J1* (16.67%), K*, P* (3.33%), and R1b1b2 (10.00%). The presence of E1a*, E1b1b1a*, and E1b1b1b* lineages, which are commonly found among Berbers, indicated a strong connection between the Guanches and North Africa, suggesting that they were migrants from that region. On the other hand, the moderate frequencies of R1b1b2 and I* lineages, which are prevalent in Europe, among the examined Guanche males suggested a prehistoric gene flow from Europe to the Canary Islands via the Mediterranean. It was observed that the genetic contribution of Guanche males to the gene pool of modern Canary Islanders was relatively lower compared to Guanche females. This disparity is likely attributed to the brutal conquest of the islands, which resulted in significant loss of Guanche male lineages. Interestingly, haplogroups commonly found among the Guanches have been identified at high frequencies in Latin America, indicating that descendants of the Guanches played an active role in the Spanish colonization of the Americas. In another study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2009, the mtDNA of 30 aboriginals from La Palma, known as Benahoarites, was extracted and analyzed. The findings revealed that 93% of their mtDNA haplogroups originated from West Eurasia, while 7% had origins in sub-Saharan Africa. Notably, approximately 15% of their West Eurasian maternal lineages were specific to Europe and the Near East, rather than North Africa. This suggests that the Benahoarites had ancestral connections to either of these regions. The examined Benahoarites displayed high frequencies of the maternal haplogroups U6b1 and H1-16260. It is noteworthy that U6b1 has not been found in North Africa, while H1-16260 is considered "extremely rare." These observations further support the notion that the North African population from which the Benahoarites and other Guanches descended has undergone significant population replacement due to subsequent migrations. In a study conducted by Pereira et al. in 2010, the origins of the maternal haplogroup U6, which is characteristic of Guanches, were investigated. It was proposed that U6 was introduced to North Africa during the Upper Paleolithic by Cro-Magnon-like humans, more specifically called Mechtoids, migrating from the Near East. These early migrants potentially played a role in the development of the Iberomaurusian culture. A subsequent study by Secher et al. in 2014 proposed an alternative hypothesis. They suggested that U6 was initially brought to the Levant from Central Europe during the Upper Paleolithic by people belonging to the Aurignacian culture. These individuals formed the Levantine Aurignacian (c. 33000 BC) and subsequently reintroduced U6 into Africa through a process of remigration. The study further indicated that U6b1a was likely introduced to the Canary Islands during the initial wave of settlement by the Guanches, while U6c1 was suggested to have arrived in a second wave. However, regarding the Iberomaurusians, different genetic studies have resulted in different interpretations: Firstly, in 2018, van de Loosdrecht et al. performed aDNA tests on the remains of from Grotte des Pigeons site near Taforalt in north-eastern Morocco, dated to between 15,100 and 13,900 cal BP, revealing they are composed of a Holocene West-Eurasian/Levantine component (63.5%), a Hadza hunter-gatherer component, and a West African component, suggesting early migration and admixture during the Paleolithic period (30-15 kya). According to van de Loosdrecht, the West Eurasian component shows the relative closest genetic affinity for ancient Epipalaeolithic Natufian individuals. When compared against modern populations, the Taforalt individuals form a distinct cluster and do not cluster genetically with any modern population; however, they were found to cluster between Middle Easterners or modern North Africans and West/East Africans. Iosif Lazaridis et al. (2018), on the other hand, as summarized by Rosa Fregel (2021), contested the conclusion of van de Loosdrecht (2018) and argued instead that the Iberomaurusian population represented by the Taforalt sample can be better modeled as an admixture between a Dzudzuana-like (West-Eurasian) component and an ancient North African component, that may represent an even earlier split than the Basal Eurasians. Iosif Lazaridis et al. (2018) also argued that Iberomaurusians contributed to the genetic composition of Natufians instead of vice versa, and that this Iberomaurusian lineage also contributed around 13% ancestry to modern West Africans rather than Iberomaurusians having ancestry from an unknown Sub-Saharan African source. According to the previously mentioned study by Pereira et al. in 2010, the maternal haplogroup H1, which is also prevalent among Canarian aboriginals, was suggested to have been brought to North Africa during the Holocene by migrants from Iberia. These individuals may have contributed to the formation of the Capsian culture. In a study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2015, the mtDNA of the Gomerans was examined. The analysis revealed that 65% of the Gomerans carried the maternal haplogroup U6b1a. This finding suggests that the Gomerans are likely descended from the earliest wave of settlers who arrived in the Canary Islands. Additionally, the study suggested that the maternal haplogroups T2c1 and U6c1 may have been introduced during a second wave of colonization that impacted the other islands in the archipelago. It is worth noting that U6b1a is present among 44% of modern-day Gomerans, indicating a significant genetic continuity between the ancestral aboriginals and the present-day population of the island. The research determined that Gomerans possess the highest proportion of aboriginal ancestry among all modern Canary Islanders. In a study conducted by Ordóñez et al. in 2017, the remains of numerous aboriginals from El Hierro, known as Bimbaches, were examined. These individuals were buried at Punta Azul on El Hierro, dating back to the period between 1015 and 1200 AD. The analysis focused on 16 samples of Y-DNA extracted from the remains. The paternal haplogroups identified were E1a (1 sample), E1b1b1a1 (7 samples), and R1b1a2 (R1b-M269) (7 samples). Additionally, all the extracted samples of mtDNA belonged to the maternal haplogroup H1-1626. The findings indicated that the Bimbaches were descendants of the initial wave of settlers who arrived in the Canary Islands. Significantly, they lacked the paternal and maternal lineages associated with the hypothetical second wave of Guanche migration. This suggests a distinct genetic and ancestral profile for the Bimbache, highlighting their unique position within the broader Berber population of the islands. In a study conducted by Rodríguez-Varela et al. in 2017, the autosomal DNA (atDNA) of 11 aboriginals buried at Gran Canaria and Tenerife was examined. The analysis revealed interesting genetic findings, including the extraction of 3 samples of Y-DNA that all belonged to the paternal haplogroup E1b1b1b1a1 (E-M183). Additionally, the 11 samples of mtDNA extracted belonged to various maternal haplogroups, namely H1cf, H2a, L3b1a (3 samples), T2c12, U6b1a (3 samples), J1c3, and U6b. The study determined that the examined Canarian aboriginals displayed genetic similarities between the 7th and 11th centuries AD. They showed closest genetic affinity to modern North Africans. However, there was a tendency, particularly among individuals from Gran Canaria, to occupy a distinct genetic space outside of the modern Northwest African variation, exhibiting closer proximity to Europeans. This finding supported the notion that the Guanches descended from a Berber-like population that migrated from mainland North Africa. Interestingly, the genetic analysis also revealed that the ancient Canarians shared genetic similarities with modern Sardinians. In some models, the Canarian aboriginals were found to be more closely related to modern Sardinians than to modern North Africans. They were identified as carriers of Early European Farmer (EEF) ancestry, suggesting a potential spread of this ancestry from Iberia into North Africa during the Neolithic period, or perhaps even later. Furthermore, one Canarian aboriginal displayed ancestry related to European hunter-gatherers, providing additional evidence of prehistoric gene flow from Europe. Based on the data, it was estimated that modern Canary Islanders derive approximately 16-31% of their autosomal DNA from the Canarian aboriginals. In a study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2018, the remains at the Late Neolithic site of Kelif el Boroud in Morocco, dating back to approximately 3780-3650 BC, were examined. The Canarian aboriginals were found to be genetically very similar to the Kelif el Boroud people. The Kelif el Boroud individuals were modeled as having equal genetic contributions from people buried at two Neolithic sites: Ifri N'Ammar in Morocco (5325-4786 BC) and the Cave of El Toro in Spain (5280-4750 BC). The study thus determined that the Kelif el Boroud people possessed 50% Early European Farmer (EEF) ancestry. This ancestry likely spread from Iberia to North Africa during the Neolithic period, potentially associated with the Cardial Ware culture. Following the Kelif el Boroud population, additional European ancestry might have been introduced to the region from Iberia by individuals associated with the Bell Beaker culture. A review conducted by Fregel et al. in 2020 further identified European Bronze Age ancestry in the aboriginal Canarians. This observation could be explained by the presence of Bell-Beaker pottery in the North African archaeological record, suggesting cultural and genetic connections between Iberia and the ancient Canarians. The study also hinted at a certain degree of admixture, possibly associated with trans-Saharan migrations. In a study conducted by Fregel et al. in 2019, the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) of 48 Canarian aboriginals buried across all the islands of the Canary archipelago was examined. The analysis revealed a diverse range of maternal lineages among the aboriginals, reflecting genetic contributions from North Africa, Europe, and the Near East. The most common maternal lineages were of Eurasian origin, with a particular concentration around the Mediterranean region. It was suggested that some of these Eurasian haplogroups had arrived in the Canary Islands through migrations during the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age periods from Europe. The study found that genetic diversity was highest on Gran Canaria, Tenerife, and La Palma, while Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, and El Hierro exhibited lower diversity. Furthermore, significant genetic differences were detected between aboriginals from the western and eastern islands, providing support for the hypothesis that the ancient Canarians descended from two distinct migration waves. An interesting finding was that 40% of the examined aboriginals belonged to the maternal haplogroup H. This haplogroup is widespread in Europe and signifies a significant genetic connection between the Canarian aboriginals and European populations. In a recent study conducted by Serrano et al. in 2023, genome-wide data from 49 Canarian aboriginals was analyzed, providing valuable insights into their genetic ancestry. The findings revealed the presence of significant genetic contributions from different populations. The study modeled their ancestry as comprising an average of 73.3% Morocco Late Neolithic, 6.9% Morocco Early Neolithic, 13.4% Germany Bell Beaker, and 6.4% Mota ancestry. Of particular interest was the identification of Germany Bell Beaker ancestry, which reached 16.2% in samples from Gran Canaria and 17.9% in samples from Lanzarote. This suggests a notable genetic connection between the Canarian aboriginals and the Bell Beaker culture that spread across Europe during the Bronze Age, between 2800 and 2200 BCE. Sources (Coming soon.) Keywords #guanches #benahoaritas #CanaryIslands #IslasCanarias #archeology #arqueología #history #prehistory #MuseoArqueológicoBenahoarita

The Canary Islands are an enchanting archipelago of seven islands and six islets, which form the bioregion of Macaronesia alongside the Azores, Madeira, Savage Islands and Cape Verde, and are the largest archipelago of this region. Unlike the other islands of Macaronesia, the Canaries have been inhabited since Classical Antiquity, when they were known as the semi-legendary Insulae Fortunatae in Latin and Μακάρων Νῆσοι (Makárōn Nêsoi) in Greek—i.e. the Fortunate Isles or the Isles of the Blest—variously treated as a simple geographical location and as a winterless earthly paradise inhabited by the heroes of Greek mythology. It was said the Pillars of Hercules bore the warning Non plus ultra («no further») or Non terrae plus ultra («No lands further beyond»), serving as a warning to sailors and navigators, urging them not to venture further. Immersed in Greco-Roman mythology, the Fortunate Isles were known as part of Hades, beyond the Pillars and the boundaries of human settlements known to Greeks as οἰκουμένη (oikouménē, «inhabited [land]»). Legend has it the islands were reserved for those who had chosen to be reincarnated three times, and their souls deemed as exceptionally pure to gain entrance to the Elysian Fields on each occasion. Note: The following article is a highly summarized version of the original. For more comprehensive articles and quotations from ancient sources in their original language (such as Ancient Greek, Latin, Medieval Arabic, Early Modern Castilian) accompanied by novel and unprecedented transcriptions and translations with commentaries, please visit the main articles corresponding to each section. You can find links to these articles below the heading of each respective section. History Antiquity The Canary Islands may have been visited by Carthaginian ships. In 435 BC, Carthaginians, led by Hanno the Navigator, embarked on a voyage. They sailed through the Pillars of Hercules at the Strait of Gibraltar and explored the western coast of Africa. The expedition established cities and reached as far south as southern Morocco, and possibly even Senegal or Gabon. The narrative mentions a tall fiery mountain, which some identify as Mount Cameroon or the Teide volcano. The crew encountered a burning country emitting fragrant scents and witnessed torrents of fire flowing into the sea. The extreme heat prevented them from landing, and they sailed swiftly, filled with fear. After four days, they saw the land covered in flames at night, with one particularly tall fire that seemed to touch the stars. This towering fire was referred to as the "Chariot of the Gods." They continued sailing alongside the fiery torrents for three more days until they reached a bay called the Horn of the South. Arrian, in his work Indica, mentions Hanno's voyage and includes a reference to a volcano. Hanno, a Libyan explorer, departed from Carthage and sailed beyond the Pillars of Heracles (Strait of Gibraltar) into the Outer Sea. He continued eastward for thirty-five days before turning south. However, he encountered various challenges, including a scarcity of water, scorching heat, and streams of lava flowing into the sea. Arrian's account highlights the difficulties faced by Hanno during his voyage. Pliny the Elder, in his work Historia Naturalis, quotes Statius Sebosus (f. ca. 100 BCE) regarding the Fortunate Islands (Isles of Bliss) and their location. According to Statius Sebosus, there are only two islands that make up the Fortunate Islands: Invallis and Planasia. Invallis is believed to correspond to Tenerife, while Planasia is likely Gran Canaria. These two islands were considered the Fortunate Islands because the eastern islands were arid, and the three westernmost islands were still undiscovered at the time. Statius Sebosus provides distances between these islands. He states that Junonia, located 750 miles away from Gades (Cádiz), is one of the Fortunate Islands. To the west of Junonia, at the same distance, are Pluvialia and Capraria. Pluvialia only has access to rainwater as a freshwater source. Additionally, at a distance of 250 miles from these islands, opposite the left side of Mauritania and aligned with the eighth hour of the sun's direction, lie the Fortunate Islands. Invallis, one of the islands, is characterized by its undulating surface, while Planasia is named for its distinctive appearance. According to Sebosus, Invallis has a circumference of 300 miles, and trees on the island can grow as tall as 114 feet. However, the discovery of the Canary Islands for the western world is credited to King Juba II (f. ca. 48 BCE–23 CE), the Berber king of Numidia. He ruled from 29 to 27 BC and later became the vassal king of Mauretania under Roman control from 25 BC to 23 AD. Juba II established a close alliance with Rome and was known for his loyalty to the empire. According to Pliny the Elder, Juba II dispatched an expedition to the Canary Islands. The explorers did not encounter any native inhabitants but found several buildings as evidence of past habitation. Juba II named the islands after the ferocious dogs he encountered there, which may have been seals or the dog-like creatures worshipped by the indigenous people. Pliny states that the Isles of Bliss, as Juba II called them, are located in a southwestern direction, approximately 625 miles away from the Purple Islands. The first island they reached was called Ombrios, featuring a pool surrounded by mountains and trees resembling giant fennel. The second island, Junonia, had a small temple made from a single stone. Nearby, there was a smaller island with the same name, followed by Capraria, known for its large lizards. The islands of Ninguaria and Canaria were also visible, with Ninguaria covered in perpetual snow and clouds and Canaria named due to its abundance of huge dogs. Juba II brought two of these dogs back with him. The islands were described as having an ample supply of fruit, various bird species, palm groves with dates, coniferous trees, honey, papyrus growing in rivers, and sheatfish. Pliny also mentions the islands being plagued by the carcasses of monstrous creatures washed ashore by the sea. This account by Pliny the Elder provides insights into Juba II's exploration of the Canary Islands and provides descriptions of the islands' landscapes, flora, fauna, and natural resources. Sallust's narrative provides four surviving fragments about the Fortunate Isles. The narrative recounts that according to Sallust, two neighboring islands, located ten thousand stades from Gades (Cádiz), were known to produce food for humans without any human intervention, and it says that philosophers believe that Elysium, the mythical place of bliss, corresponds to the Fortunate Isles mentioned by Sallust, which gained fame through the songs of Homer. According to the narrative, Sallust mentions that there were plans of venturing into distant parts of the Ocean, presumably in search of the Fortunate Isles, and that the desire to explore the unknown seems to have driven this pursuit, as humans are naturally inclined to seek unfamiliar experiences. The Greek geographer Strabo makes mention of the Isles of the Blest and their proximity to Maurusia and Iberia (known as Mauretania and Hispania in Roman by the Romans). He describes these islands as being situated on the far western side of Maurusia, along the coast that runs parallel to Spain. Strabo suggests that he considered these regions, due to their proximity to the islands, to be blessed as well. He further notes that the islands are located near the promontories of Maurusia, which are opposite the city of Gadir (Cádiz). Strabo's accounts shed light on the geographical understanding and perception of the Isles of the Blest in relation to Maurusia and Iberia during his time. Pomponius Mela, an early Roman geographer, provides a description of the Fortunate Islands (Isles of Bliss) that sheds light on the reasons behind their name. Born in Tingentera (modern Algeciras, Spain), Mela describes the Fortunate Isles as having a sandy landscape and an abundance of spontaneously generated plants. These islands are known for their continuous production of various fruits, creating an environment where inhabitants lack nothing and enjoy greater productivity than other places. One of the islands gains particular fame due to the uniqueness of its two springs. Drinking from one of these springs is said to cause uncontrollable laughter, while the other spring serves as a cure for those affected by the laughter-inducing spring. Mela's description emphasizes the fertile and prosperous nature of the Fortunate Islands, highlighting the reasons behind their reputation as a place of abundance and happiness. Plutarch's writings provide insights into the Fortunate Isles, also known as the Isles of the Blessed, located in the Atlantic Ocean. In his work Vita Sertorii, Plutarch recounts an encounter between Sertorius, a Roman general, and sailors who had recently visited these islands. The Fortunate Isles are described as a few days' sail from Hispania (modern-day Spain), known for their idyllic qualities and natural paradise characterized by mild weather and abundant fertility. Plutarch equates these islands with the mythical Elysian Fields, a place of happiness and bliss. The climate on the islands is pleasant, with moderate seasonal changes and no extreme weather. The winds from the Roman side dissipate before reaching the islands, while the South and West winds bring occasional showers and cool, moist breezes that nourish the land. Plutarch mentions that even barbarians believe these islands to be the Elysian Fields. Sertorius, upon hearing about the islands, develops a strong desire to retire there and escape from perpetual wars and tyranny. However, he ultimately does not act on this desire and returns to Hispania at the request of the Lusitanians, who sought him as their leader. The Greek geographer Claudius Ptolemy lists the Fortunate Islands, which he says to be six. The Romanized forms of the emended names for the islands are given below: The islands near Libya lie in the Western Ocean […] and these are the Islands of the Blessed Inaccessa Island Pluitana Island Capraria Island Nivaria Island Juno’s Island Canaria Island — Claudius Ptolemy, Geographia, Book IV, Chapter 6 - ca. 150 CE Ptolemy used these islands as the reference for the measurement of geographical longitude and they continued to play the role of defining the prime meridian through the Middle Ages. Flavius Philostratus provides information about the location of the Fortunate Isles. According to him, the Islands of the Blessed, synonymous with the Fortunate Isles, are believed to be situated near the boundaries of Libya, where it extends towards an uninhabited promontory. Gaius Iulius Solinus presents a differing opinion on the Fortunate Islands, acknowledging their celebrated name while expressing skepticism about their actual nature. Solinus recognizes the existence of three Fortunate Islands, but believes that their fame surpasses their reality. He describes the first island, Embrion, as devoid of buildings, with reeds growing to tree-like proportions. Squeezing the black reeds yields a bitter liquid, while the white reeds release drinkable water. Solinus mentions another island called Iunonia, featuring a small temple with a low pointed roof. The neighboring third island shares the same name and is barren. The fourth island, Capraria, is densely populated with large lizards. Nivaria, the fifth island, is characterized by thick, cloudy air, resulting in constant snowfall. Canaria, the sixth island, is known for its distinctive dogs. Traces of buildings remain, and the island is abundant with birds, fruit-bearing forests, palm groves, pine nuts, honey, and rivers teeming with sheatfish. Solinus also notes the belief that the sea surrounding Canaria ejects sea monsters onto its shores, causing a foul odor when the decomposing monsters taint the surroundings. Overall, Solinus concludes that the nature of the islands does not fully align with their renowned name. Identification of the islands mentioned by ancient authors The names the ancient authors mention have traditionally been assigned to all seven large islands of the Canaries. However, Ptolemy and Juba only mention six islands, suggesting that one of the large islands is not mentioned or that multiple large islands are missing. It is possible that the islets in the eastern part of the archipelago should be considered as well. The winterless climate and ideal conditions for fruit-bearing trees that the ancient authors spoke of gave the Fortunate Islands their name. This feature applies to the central and western islands, but not to the eastern islands of Fuerteventura and Lanzarote, whose low height makes them unable to reach the moisture-rich trade winds. Apparently, this was considered by authors such as Sebosus, Sallust and Plutarch, who did not include the eastern islands in the Fortunate Islands. Roman presence on the islands It is not entirely certain whether the Romans established any permanent centre on the islands. However, in 1964, Roman amphorae were discovered off the coast of Lanzarote, proving that at least trade existed with the Romans. In the 1990s, at the archaeological site of El Bebedero near Teguise, also in Lanzarote, numerous fragments of Roman ceramics, glass and metal dating to the 1st-4th century CE were found. Retail material testing proved that those could come from Campania in Italy, or the Roman provinces of Hispania Baetica and Africa. Lastly, in 2012, a fragment of a Roman amphora was found near La Concha beach on the tiny Islote de Lobos, located between Lanzarote and Fuerteventura. Since then, houses, ceramics, tools and other everyday artifacts have been found on the islet. Moreover, remains of purple dye have been found at the beach of La Calera, as well as a large amount of fractured shells of Stramonita haemastoma (> 95%) and Hexaplex duplex—both species of the family Muricidae that produce a purple dye—with anthropic fracture patterns. The Islote de Lobos, therefore, seemed to have housed a Roman factory dedicated to the extraction of the Gaetulian purple dye found in the mucus of these molluscs, similar to the one on the Insulae Purpurariae or "Purple Islands" established by Juba II, probably to be identified with Mogador, near Essaouira on the Moroccan coast. Extracting this dye involved tens of thousands of snails and substantial labour from the gatherers, specifically called mūrĭlĕgŭlī in Latin (from murex-legulus, literally "rock snail gatherer"), hence purple dye was highly valued. According to the 4th century BCE historian Theopompus "purple dye fetched its weight in silver at Colophon". Purple-dyed textiles became status symbols: the most senior Roman magistrates wore a toga praetexta, a white toga edged in purple; the even more sumptuous toga picta, a solid purple toga with gold thread edging, was worn by generals celebrating a Roman triumph. By the 4th century CE, however, it was reserved exclusively for the emperor—with citizens facing death penalty if they wore any shade of the colour. Early and High Middle Ages For a thousand years, between the 4th and 14th centuries, the islands seem to disappear from the historical record and fall into obscurity. Following the fall of the Western Roman Empire in 476 CE, the ties between Mediterranean civilizations and the Canary Islands weakened but were perhaps not completely severed. The only documentary evidence of this time—though unreliable—is the journey of Saint Brendan the Navigator (f. 484–c. 577 CE) and accounts from Muslim geographers from the 10th and 12th centuries that mention islands in the Sea of Gloom, which might correspond to some of the Canary Islands. Saint Brendan’s legendary journey to the Promised Land for Saints Saint Brendan is primarily known for his legendary journey to a blessed island. Brendan's journey was popular throughout Christian Europe for many centuries. The voyage is believed to have taken place between 512 and 530 CE, with the earliest recorded version of the narrative dating to around 900 CE. Over 140 manuscripts of the narrative exist with numerous translations. The mythical island of Saint Brendan, also known as Isla de San Borondón, was depicted on medieval and renaissance maps. Its geographical location has been subject to various interpretations, ranging from being placed southwest of Ireland to being west of the Canary Islands or even further out beyond the Azores. The legend gained widespread recognition in Europe during the Middle Ages, and maps from Christopher Columbus' era often featured an island labeled as Saint Brendan's Isle in the Atlantic Ocean. Several naval expeditions were even undertaken in search of the promised land of Saint Brendan. However, belief in the physical existence of the island diminished by the 19th century. The journey of Brendan begins when he meets Saint Barinthus, who describes the "Promised Land for Saints." Inspired by this description, Brendan gathers a group of monks and sets off on a voyage. They encounter various islands, including one where a companion dies, the Island of Sheep, and a giant fish named Jasconius. They also visit the Island of Birds, the Island of Ailbe with silent monks, and the Island of Strong Men. After seven years of travel, they finally reach the blessed island, are briefly allowed to enter, and then return to Ireland passing through another fabled island. The written account of Brendan's voyage has been seen as a religious allegory, although there has been substantial debate regarding the extent to which these legends are based on historical events. The legend mentions islands which potentially correspond to the Canary Islands. Juan de Abréu Galindo suggests that the Island of Saint Brendan is the eighth of the Canary Islands and equates it with Ptolemy's Inaccessa Island. Possible Muslim expeditions During the High Middle Ages, Arabic sources hinted at the existence of the Canaries, referring to certain Atlantic islands that were speculated to be the Canaries. Although the ancient Canarians were possibly no longer isolated, they maintained cultural isolation and preserved their distinct way of life. Arab scholars al-Masʿūdī from the 10th century and al-ʾIdrīsī from 12th century learned about the Canary Islands through their study of Ptolemy's work, giving them their own name in Arabic. They name two islands in Arabic which might correspond to two of the Canary Islands, along with enormous creatures and mysterious phenomena. Also recounted are the risks and curiosities of the Atlantic Ocean, with some adventurers returning safely and others perishing in their attempts. Among the successful endeavours was maritime expedition by a family of Andalusi seafarers, who discovered previously unknown land, and encountered an inhabited island with red-skinned people during their journey through the Atlantic, who might have been the ancient Canarians, and by whom they were taken prisoners. They were eventually welcomed back by the Berber people in present-day Morocco. Berber kingdoms prior to the Castilian conquest As the Berbers who arrived in the Canary Islands adapted to the diverse habitats of each island, they gradually became isolated on their respective lands. Over time, they developed into seven distinct cultures, each unique to its own island. These cultures possessed their own distinct religious beliefs, as well as social, political, and economic structures. Their adaptation to the islands and their habitats can be inferred from their rock art, with later rock art being simpler and with less variations than the more ancient ones. Possibly, their initial lack of knowledge of the island's environments and its limited resources compelled them to perform shamanic practices that were meant to promote rainfall or fertility, which were no longer essential as they adapted to their new environments. [The territorial division of the Canary Islands at the time of the Castilian conquest with the reconstructed names of the islands in Berber.][nombres bereberes de las Islas Canarias, nombres guanches de las Islas Canarias, Berber names of the Canary Islands, Guanche names of the Canary Islands] Gran Canaria Castilianised Berber: Tamarán Insular Berber: *Tamāran Tamarán before the unification under Atidamana and Gumidafe. Tamarán after Taghoter Semidán's division of the island between his two sons. Before the arrival of the Norman conquerors in 1402, the island was divided into numerous independent territories ruled by tribal chiefs. The order between the cantons, that tended to wage war on eachother for pasture, was maintained by a woman named Atidamana, who was respected by the population and assumed the role of judge in the conflicts and high priestess. However, some chiefs did not want to obey Atidamana's decisions, and argued that they shouldn't be subdued by a woman. Therefore, Atidamana married a warrior chief from Gáldar named Gumidafe, and together waged war on the rest of the chiefs until finally achieving complete control over the island and unifying the government, becoming guanartemes (kings). Atidamana's and Gumidafe's grandson Taghoter Semidán divided the island in 1440, or earlier, between his two sons, and two guanartemates (kingdoms) were founded. Guanache Semidán inherited Gáldar and Bentanguaire Semidán inherited Telde. The frontier lied along the Barranco Guiniguada and the Barranco de Mogán or Barranco de Arquineguín. The sábor (council) however would remain in Gáldar and ended up triggering confrontations. Before the arrival of Castilian conquerors in 1478, the island is virtually unified once again due to the death of the two kings, and Tenesor Semidán is named king, who defended Bentejuí's right to rule in Telde. Tenerife Castilianised Berber: Achineche Insular Berber: *Ašenšen Tinerfe the Great, also called Betzenuria, was the last mencey (king) of Achineche that ruled over the entire island. He lived in Adeje, like all his predecessors, in the late 14th century, approximately hundred years before the conquest of 1494 by Castile. Upon his death, his sons divided the islands into nine menceyates. Some historians believe the name of the island of Tenerife could derive from his name. Others state that the first author to call him Tinerfe, the poet Antonio de Viana, invented the name in 1604, and that his real name was Betzenuriia. Muchos años estuvo esta isla y gente della sujeta a un solo rey, que era el de Adeje, cuyo nombre se perdió de la memoria, y como llegase a la vejez, a quien todo se le atreve, cada cual de sus hijos, que eran nueve, se levantó con su pedazo de tierra, haciendo término y reino por sí.Translation:For many years, the island and its people were subject to one king, who was from Adeje, whose name is lost from memory, and when he became of old age, each of his sons, that were nine, rose with their own piece of land, making for themselves a kingdom.— Friar Alonso de Espinosa, Historia de Nuestra Señora de Candelaria En esta isla de Tanerife hubo un señor que la mandaba y á quien obedecian que se llamaba Betzenuriia [...] el qual tenia nueve hijos, y muerto el padre cada uno se alzó con la parte que pudo y entre si se conformaron y la repartieron, y de un reyno que era se dividió en nueve. El mayor de todos estos hermanos se llamaba Imobac, cuyo señorio y reyno se decia Taoro [...] Acaymo su hermano, se instituló rey de Aguimar; Atquaxona, rey de Abona; Atbitocarpe, rey de Adeje. Los demás nombres de estos hermanos se han perdido en la memoria de ellos."Translation:On this island of Tenerife there was a lord that ruled it and who was obeyed, who was called Betzenuriia [...] who had nine sons. Upon their father's death, each one rose up with the part that they could and divided it; and, from one kingdom, nine were formed. The greatest of these brothers was called Imobat, whose kingdom was called Taoro [...] Acaymo, his brother, made himself king of Aguimar; Atquaxona, king of Abona; Atbitocarpe, king of Adeje. The names of the remaining brothers have been lost to their memory.— Juan de Abreu Galindo, Historia de la Conquista de las Siete Islas de Gran Canaria, Libro III, Capítulo XI – 1602 All the classical authors agree that there was one absolute king with residence in Adeje, upon whose death the island was divided between his nine sons: Acaymo, Atbitocazpe, Atguaxoña, Benecharo, Betzenuhya, Caconaimo, Chincanairo, Rumen y Tegueste. According to the historian and physician Juan Bethencourt Alfonso, Tinerfe was son of mencey Sunta, succeeding him as king of the island upon his death. However, his uncles attempted to overthrow him. Bethencourt states that Tinerfe "reformed the tactic of his father and was the founder of strategy, and Tenerife achieved great prosperity under his prolonged reign." La Palma Castilianised Berber: Benahoare Insular Berber: *Wen-Ahūwwār Friar Juan de Abréu Galindo provides an account of the bellicose history of Benahoare before the Castilian conquest. Aktanasut, or as he was known by the Castilians, Tanausú, ruled the canton of Aceró within the Caldera de Taburiente. According to this historian, Atogmatoma, the ruler of Tijarafe, had a conflict with Tanausú. Atogmatoma entered the Caldera with 200 men through Adamancasis (now known as El Riachuelo, near La Cumbrecita), but Tanausú and his men managed to repel the attack. With the help of his relatives Bediesta and Temiaba, lords of Tegalguen and Tagaragre, Atogmatoma later entered the Caldera. Tanausú then takes refuge in Mount Bejenado and sought aid from his cousins Ehenauca, Mayantigo, Azuquahe, Juguiro and Garehagua. Once all the warriors were rallied, Tanausú and his forces descended to the plain of Adirane, where they defeated Atogmatoma. Atogmatoma was spared, and his daughter Tinabuna was married to Aganeye, one of Tanausú's allies. The conflict between Tanausú and Atogmatoma eventually led to a peace agreement, and they celebrated the wedding, remaining as friends. Benahoare was divided into 12 cantons at the time of the arrival of Castilian conquerors. As opposed to Achineche or Tamarán, it had no territorial unit above it. In fact, this system was not permanent and these units could be further divided into smaller ones, like the Gazmira band which is mentioned in the 16th century. The last canton to be conquered by Castile Aceró, located in the Caldera de Taburiente. The name is believed to mean "strong place", and indeed the Caldera lends itself to a strong defense, measuring 10 km across and possessing steep walls towering up to 2000 m over the caldera floor. Pre-conquest exploration The Canary Islands saw an increase in visits during the late 13th century due to various factors. Firstly, it was propelled by the economic growth of European states like the Republic of Genoa, the Crown of Aragon, the Kingdom of Castile, and the Kingdom of Portugal. These nations were already involved in maritime trade along the Moroccan coast, and their expansionist ambitions naturally turned towards the Canary Islands. Secondly, advancements in navigation techniques, including the use of the compass, astrolabe, stern rudder, and cog-caravel, played a pivotal role. These innovations, coupled with the development of cartography, allowed for more accurate and detailed maps. Notably, Angelino Dulcert of Majorca created a portulan map in 1339 that depicted some of the Canary Islands. It was around this time that the islands were effectively rediscovered by the Genoese sailor Lanzarotto Malocello. In 1341, just two years later, the first expedition to visit all the islands of the archipelago was conducted under the command of another Genoese seaman and explorer, Niccoloso da Recco, on behalf of Portuguese king Afonso IV. Lastly, both ideological and political motives played a significant role. The Southern European monarchies were in an expansionist phase, with the Iberian monarchies driven by the Reconquista (the reconquest) of Muslim-controlled regions in southern Spain, known as al-ʾAndalus (Arabic: ٱلْأَنْدَلُس), with kings such as Alfonso XI of Castile claiming that, by the ancient Visigothic dioceses and Reconquista treaties, the islands fell within the Castilian jurisdiction and "sphere of conquest". The territorial expansion served to strengthen royal power and was infused with a crusader and missionary spirit. These combined factors led to an increased interest in and exploration of the Canary Islands during this period, setting the stage for further European presence and, ultimately, the Castilian conquest of the archipelago. Genoese contact In the 14th century, the "rediscovery" of the islands by Europeans took place, with numerous visits by Genoese, Majorcan, Portuguese and Castilian, competing for control of the Canaries. This process falls within the so-called European expansion across the Atlantic, which, in its initial stage, had as its main motivation the most direct possible access to the gold of central Africa. The first European to visit the Canary Islands since Antiquity was a Genoese captain by the name of Lancelotto Malocello embarked on a voyage believed to have taken place around 1318-1325, though traditionally dated as 1312. The exact motivations behind Malocello's journey remain somewhat unclear, with some speculating that he was in search of the Vivaldi brothers who had disappeared off the coast of Morocco near Cape Non in 1291. Upon reaching the Canary Islands, Malocello made landfall, possibly due to a shipwreck, on the island of Lanzarote and decided to remain there for nearly two decades. During his time on the island, it is believed that Malocello may have attempted to establish himself as a ruler among the indigenous people, but eventually he was expelled by a revolt led by Zonzamas. In 1339, a portolan map created by Angelino Dulcert of Majorca depicted the island of Lanzarote, referred to as Insula de Lanzarotus Marocelus and marked with a Genoese shield. This map also showcased the neighboring islands of Forte Vetura (Fuerteventura) and Vegi Mari (Islote de Lobos). While earlier maps had depicted fantastical depictions of the "Fortunate Islands" based on references in Pliny's writings, Dulcert's map was the first to present a more accurate representation of the actual Canary Islands. It should be noted, however, that Dulcert included some fictional islands on the map, such as Saint Brendan's Island (Spanish: Isla de San Borondón), as well as three islands named Primaria, Capraria, and Canaria, inspired by the names provided by the ancient authors. In 1341, a significant expedition sponsored by King Afonso IV of Portugal set sail from Lisbon. Commanded by Florentine captain Angiolino del Tegghia de Corbizzi and Genoese captain Nicoloso da Recco, the expedition consisted of a diverse crew comprising Italians, Portuguese, and Castilians. Over the course of five months, the expedition meticulously surveyed the archipelago, mapping thirteen islands, including seven major ones and six minor ones. They also studied the indigenous inhabitants and brought back four natives to Lisbon. This expedition served as the foundation for later Portuguese claims of priority and influence over the Canary Islands. Cerda lordship of Fortuna The islands were under the watchful eye of the kings of Castile, with Pope Clement VI appointing the Castilian-French noble Infante Luis de la Cerda, the Count of Clermont, Admiral of France and expatriate royal prince of the Crown of Castile, as the prince of the Principality of Fortune in 1355, even though he never actually set foot on the islands. The exploration of the Canaries in the 14th century sparked rapid European interest, especially after the mapping expedition of 1341. The accounts of the aboriginals captured the attention of European merchants, who saw the potential for lucrative slave-raiding opportunities. In 1342, multiple expeditions were organized from Majorca, with Francesc Duvalers and Domenech Gual leading separate ventures commissioned by private merchant consortia under the authority of Roger de Robenach, the representative of James III of Majorca. There may have been as many as four or five expeditions commissioned from Majorca that year, although the outcomes of these endeavors remain uncertain. The Catholic Church was also intrigued by the news coming from the Canaries. In 1344, the Castilian-French nobleman Infante Luis de la Cerda, the Count of Clermont, Admiral of France and expatriate royal prince of the Crown of Castile, who served as a French ambassador to the papal court in Avignon, presented a proposal to Pope Clement VI. His plan envisioned the conquest of the islands and the conversion of the native Canarians to Christianity. In November 1344, Pope Clement VI issued the bull Tuae devotionis sinceritas, granting perpetual possession of the Canary Islands to Luis de la Cerda and conferring upon him the title of "Prince of Fortuna." The pope further declared the projected conquest and conversion as a crusade, granting indulgences to its participants. Papal letters were sent to the monarchs of the Iberian Peninsula, urging them to provide material support to Cerda's expedition. King Afonso IV of Portugal lodged a protest, claiming prior discovery rights, but ultimately accepted the pope's authority. Alfonso XI of Castile also voiced objections, asserting that the islands fell within Castilian jurisdiction based on ancient Visigothic dioceses and prior treaties of reconquest. However, he recognized Cerda's title. Despite the formal recognition of Cerda's title, the Iberian monarchs hindered the organization of his expedition, causing delays. Consequently, no expedition to the Canary Islands materialized before the death of Luis de la Cerda on July 5, 1348. According to the terms of the 1344 contract, the lordship of Fortuna was set to expire after five years without an expedition, although Cerda's heirs, the Counts of Medinacelli, would later revive their claim. Majorcan-Aragonese contact The Majorcans established a mission on the islands (Bishopric of Telde), which remained active from 1350 to 1400. After the demise of Cerda, the previous actors resumed their ventures, but historical records for the following generation are scarce. However, there are mentions of three additional expeditions by Majorcans, who were now under Aragonese rule since 1344. The renowned expedition of Jaume Ferrer in 1346 aimed to reach the "River of Gold" (Senegal) on the African coast but may have also touched the Canaries en route. In 1352, Arnau Roger led an expedition to Gran Canaria, and in 1366, Joan Mora undertook a royal-sponsored patrol expedition. Undoubtedly, there were numerous unrecorded expeditions, not only by Majorcans but also by merchants from Seville and Lisbon. These expeditions primarily had commercial motives, often involving the capture of native islanders for the European slave trade. However, there was also some peaceful trade with the locals, particularly for orchil and dragon's blood, which were highly valued as dyes in the European textile industry. Although the Cerda project failed, the Pope remained committed to converting the natives. In 1351, Pope Clement VI endorsed an expedition by Majorcan captains Joan Doria and Jaume Segarra. The objective was to bring Franciscan missionaries, along with twelve converted Canarian natives who had been seized by previous Majorcan expeditions, to the islands. It is uncertain if this expedition ever took place, but it is likely that it was incorporated into Arnau Roger's expedition in 1352. According to apocryphal legend, the Majorcan missionaries successfully established an evangelizing center in Telde (on Gran Canaria) until they were massacred by the natives in 1354. To support the missionaries in Telde, the Pope established the 'Diocese of Fortuna' in 1351, although this appears to have been a nominal appointment. Papal interest in the Canaries diminished after the death of Pope Clement VI in late 1352. The next generation provides very little information about the Canary Islands. It is probable that the Majorcans and Aragonese maintained their commercial interests, primarily focused on Gran Canaria, but there are few records. The next mention of the Canary Islands occurs in 1366 when King Peter IV of Aragon commissioned Captain Joan Mora to patrol the islands, assert Aragonese sovereignty, and deter interlopers. Though there was still no plan for conquest, the interest in establishing missionary centers seemed to revive. In July 1369, Pope Urban V issued a bull establishing the Diocese of Fortuna and appointing Fr. Bonnant Tari as bishop. In September 1369, another bull instructed the bishops of Barcelona and Tortosa to dispatch 10 secular and 20 regular clergy to preach to the Canarians in their native languages. However, it is uncertain if these plans were realized or remained merely theoretical. A more reliable account is available for a Majorcan expedition in 1386 sponsored by Peter IV of Aragon and Pope Urban VI, carried out by the "Pauperes Heremite." Though their exact fate is unknown, a later report indicates that thirteen "Christian friars" who had been preaching in the Canaries for seven years were massacred during an uprising in 1391. Between 1352 and 1386, at least five missionary expeditions were sent or planned. Geographical knowledge of the Canary Islands expanded with these expeditions. The 1367 portolan chart created by the Pizzigano brothers depicts eight of the Canary Islands, including La Gomera and El Hierro. The Catalan Atlas of 1375, a few years later, provides an almost complete and accurate map of the Canaries (with the exception of La Palma). The Catalan Atlas names the eleven islands from east to west as Graciosa (La Graciosa), laregranza (Alegranza), rocho (Roque), Insula de lanzaroto maloxelo (Lanzarote), insula de li vegi marin (Lobos), forteventura (Fuerteventura), Insula de Canaria (Gran Canaria), Insula del infernio (Tenerife), insula de gomera (La Gomera), insula de lo fero (El Hierro). The name 'tenerefiz' is first mentioned alongside 'Infierno' in the 1385 Libro del Conoscimiento. Portuguese contact Amidst the Fernandine Wars, a series of conflicts between Portugal and Castile following the assassination of Peter I of Castile, both Portuguese and Castilian privateers found themselves entangled in hostilities. It was during this tumultuous period in the 1370s that some of these privateers sought refuge or embarked on slave-raiding expeditions to the Canary Islands. In a noteworthy development signaling a renewed interest in conquest since 1344, King Ferdinand I of Portugal granted the islands of Lanzarote and La Gomera to an audacious adventurer known as 'Lançarote da Franquia' (some speculate that this enigmatic figure was none other than the seemingly ageless Lanceloto Malocello). Lançarote da Franquia endeavored to seize control of the islands and reportedly engaged in skirmishes with both the indigenous Guanches and Castilian forces by 1376. However, it appears that the Portuguese attempt to establish a foothold faltered following Lançarote's demise in 1385. Castilian contact The Canary Islands initially captured the interest of the Majorcan-Aragonese during the 1340s-60s, with a particular focus on Gran Canaria. The Portuguese also displayed a burgeoning fascination with the archipelago in the 1370s-80s, concentrating their efforts on Lanzarote. While there are vague references to Castilian adventurers preceding these endeavors, it was only after 1390 that Castile truly emerged as a significant player in the region. In 1390, Gonzalo Peraza Martel, the Lord of Almonaster and a prominent figure from Seville, sought permission from King Henry III of Castile to embark on a conquest of the Canary Islands. Joining him in this ambitious undertaking was the Castilian nobleman Juan Alonso de Guzmán, the Count of Niebla. A fleet of five ships was assembled, crewed by Andalusians from Seville and intrepid Basque adventurers hailing from Vizcaya and Guipuzcoa. In 1393, the Almonaster expedition departed from Cadiz, traversing the Canary Islands and surveying the coastlines of Fuerteventura, Gran Canaria, Hierro, Gomera, and Tenerife. Ultimately, they chose to make landfall on Lanzarote, conducting a raid that resulted in the capture of approximately 170 indigenous inhabitants, including the local Guanche king and queen. Additionally, they obtained a significant haul of skins, wax, and dyewood, which they sold in Seville, reaping substantial profits. Upon their return to Castile, Almonaster and Niebla presented their captives and acquired goods before King Henry III, emphasizing the ease of conquering the Canary Islands and the immense profitability they offered. This report heightened the ambitions of other adventurers who now sought to make their mark in the region. Legends Throughout the 14th century, various purported expeditions to the Canary Islands have been recorded, some of which have been revealed as apocryphal or intertwined with other voyages, as later determined by Fr. Juan de Abreu Galindo (1632) and Viera y Clavigo (1772). Among the legendary accounts are the following: In the year 1360, a Majorcan expedition consisting of two ships, led by an unknown captain (rumored to be the same Aragonese galleys prepared for Cerda in 1344), is said to have landed at either La Gomera or Gran Canaria. According to legend, the European explorers were defeated and taken captive by the indigenous Canarians. After residing among the Canarians for a certain duration, the native chieftains secretly decided to execute all the prisoners. The entire crew, including the clerics (two Franciscan friars according to Abreu de Galindo, five as stated by Viera y Clavijo), were swiftly rounded up and massacred by the Canarians (likely confused with the 1351 Majorcan expedition). In 1372, an expedition led by 'Fernando de Castro' (a Galician, not to be confused with his Portuguese namesake) also made landfall at La Gomera. After engaging in hostilities, Castro was defeated by the native inhabitants. However, unlike the 1360 expedition, the surviving Europeans were mercifully spared and allowed to return to Iberia. Legend has it that at the request of the local king Amalahuige, Castro (or Ormel later on) left behind his chaplain to undertake the conversion of his people to Christianity. The well-known tale of the Biscayan privateer Martín Ruiz de Avendaño unfolds in 1377 when he sought refuge on Lanzarote. During his stay, he allegedly entered into a romantic relationship with Queen Fayna, the wife of native king Zonzamas. This liaison resulted in the birth of a daughter named Ico, who eventually married the succeeding king Guanarame and bore a son named Guadarfia. However, suspicions arose following Guanarame's death, questioning the noble lineage of Ico (Avendaño's daughter), which led to a trial by ordeal in the form of being sealed in a smoke-filled hut, which she miraculously survived. In 1382, a ship hailing from Seville, commanded by Francisco Lopez, encountered a shipwreck near Guinigada (Gran Canaria), leaving only 13 survivors. These survivors integrated into Canarian society and lived among the native population until their deaths around 1394. Hernán Peraza, a Sevillian with authorization from Henry III of Castile, embarked on an expedition in 1385 that raided Lanzarote (likely a case of mistaken identity with the Almonaster raid of 1393). In 1386, a two-ship expedition led by Fernando de Ormel, a nobleman from Galicia and a naval officer of John I of Castile, set sail. While patrolling the Andalusian coast, they encountered a storm that unexpectedly led them to emerge at La Gomera (possibly the same expedition as Castro's in 1372). A 1399 expedition led by Gonzalo Peraza Martel, Lord of Almonastor, conducted a raid on Lanzarote (possibly confused with the Almonaster raid of 1393). Castilian conquest of the Canary Islands (1402–1496) The conquest of the Canary Islands spanned from 1402 to 1496, and it proved to be a challenging endeavor both militarily and politically. The indigenous Guanche people fiercely resisted the invaders in certain islands, posing significant military obstacles. Furthermore, the conquest encountered political complexities due to conflicting interests between the nobility, who sought to bolster their economic and political influence, and the state, particularly Castile, which aimed to consolidate its power and compete with the nobles. This clash of interests added another layer of difficulty to the conquest process. Aristocratic conquest or conquista señorial (1402–1476) In this first phase, the conquest of the Canary Islands was carried out by private individuals, not by the Crown, which is why it is called the aristocratic conquest. The aristocratic conquest included the islands of Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, and El Hierro: these were the least populated islands of the archipelago, and their surrender was relatively straightforward. However, La Gomera maintained a mixed organization in which conquerors and indigenous people agreed to coexist until the so-called "Rebellion of Los Gomeros" in 1488, which led to the effective conquest of the island. Norman aristocratic conquest or conquista señorial betancuriana o normanda In 1402, the conquest truly began with the expedition to Lanzarote by the Normans Jean de Béthencourt and Gadifer de la Salle, on behalf of the Crown of Castile. Their primary motivation was economic, as Béthencourt, who owned textile factories and dye works, saw the Canaries as a source of valuable dyes like orchil, a lichen which produces orcein, from which a purple dye can be obtained, and that grows on the windward facing cliffs of the islands which receive moist air from the trade winds. Bethencourt received crucial political support from King Henry III of Castile. His uncle, Robert de Bracquemont, obtained the king's permission for Bethencourt to conquer the Canary Islands on behalf of the Norman noble. In exchange, Bethencourt became a vassal of the Castilian king. Robert de Bracquemont invested a significant amount in the venture. The chronicle known as Le Canarien, compiled by clerics Pierre Bontier and Jean Le Verrier, documented the story of Béthencourt's conquest. Two later versions, one by Gadifer de La Salle (considered more reliable) and the other by Béthencourt's nephew, Maciot de Béthencourt, adapted the original account. The conquest of Lanzarote The Norman expedition departed from La Rochelle and made stops in Galicia and Cádiz before reaching Lanzarote in the summer of 1402. The island's indigenous population, led by their chief Guadarfia, could not withstand the invading forces and surrendered. The Normans established themselves in the south of the island, constructing a fortress and founding the Bishopric of Rubicon. From this base, they launched an attack on Fuerteventura. The conquest of Fuerteventura This campaign lasted from 1402 to 1405. The prolonged duration was not primarily due to resistance from the islanders but rather to difficulties and internal divisions between the two captains leading the invaders. Hunger and limited resources forced the expedition to retreat to Lanzarote. Jean de Bethencourt traveled to Castile to secure further support, and King Enrique III provided the necessary assistance and confirmed Béthencourt's exclusive rights to conquer the island, sidelining Gadifer. During Béthencourt's absence, Gadifer faced a dual rebellion. One faction of his men, led by Bertín de Berneval, resumed capturing slaves, while the Lanzarote Guanches resisted this practice. Pacifying the island took until 1404, and the conquest of Fuerteventura recommenced at the end of that year. However, the two commanders operated independently, each fortifying their respective domains (the castles of Rico Roque and Valtarajal). The island's conquest was completed in 1405 when the native kings surrendered. Gadifer eventually abandoned the island, never to return. After the victory, Béthencourt, as the outright owner of the islands, returned to Normandy to recruit settlers and gather resources for the continued conquest of the remaining islands. Castilian aristocratic conquest or conquista señorial castellana The Bethencourt era concluded in 1418 when Maciot sold his holdings and the rights to subjugate the remaining islands to Enrique Pérez de Guzmán. From this point onward, the involvement of the King of Castile increased. Between 1418 and 1445, control over the islands changed hands multiple times. Eventually, Hernán Peraza the Elder and his children Guillén Peraza and Inés Peraza gained dominion over the conquered islands and the right to further conquests. The death of Guillén Peraza in the attack on La Palma was immortalized in a sorrowful lament. After her brother's death, Inés and her husband Diego García de Herrera became the sole rulers of the islands until 1477 when they ceded La Gomera to their son Hernán Peraza the Younger and the rights to conquer La Palma, Gran Canaria, and Tenerife to the King of Castile. The island of La Gomera was peacefully incorporated into the Peraza-Herrera fiefdom through an agreement between Hernán Peraza the Elder and some of the island's aboriginal groups who accepted Castilian rule. However, there were several uprisings by the Guanches due to the mistreatment of the native Gomeros by the rulers. The last major rebellion occurred in 1488 and resulted in the death of Hernán Peraza the Younger, the ruler of the islands. His widow, Beatriz de Bobadilla y Ossorio, assumed power and sought the assistance of Pedro de Vera, the conqueror of Gran Canaria, to suppressthe rebellion. The subsequent repression led to the death of two hundred rebels, with many others being sold into slavery in the Spanish markets. Royal conquest or conquista realenga (1478–1496) The second phase of the Spanish conquest of the Canaries, at the behest of the Catholic Monarchs, diverged significantly from its predecessor. Meticulously organized and equipped, the invading forces stood as a formidable military presence at the forefront of the conquest. Financing for this ambitious endeavor was shouldered jointly by the Crown and individuals driven by a fervent desire to exploit the islands' resources. However, the indigenous population of all three islands, particularly on Gran Canaria and Tenerife, fiercely resisted the conquest. The aboriginals, resolute in their commitment to defend their ancestral lands, posed a formidable challenge to the Spanish forces. Their resistance, marked by both bravery and resilience, would prove to be a protracted struggle. The royal conquest phase was initiated following the relinquishment of rights over Gran Canaria, La Palma, and Tenerife by the island lords in 1477. This marked the onset of the most arduous phase, as these territories were the most populous, organized, and featured challenging terrain. The conquest of Gran Canaria commenced in 1478, with the establishment of Real de Las Palmas near the Guiniguada ravine, and concluded with the surrender of Ansite in 1483. Alonso Fernández de Lugo, who had participated in the conquest of Gran Canaria, was granted the authority to conquer La Palma and Tenerife. The invasion of La Palma unfolded between 1492 and 1493, culminating in the deceitful capture of the indigenous chief Tanausú. Tenerife, the final island to be conquered, witnessed the first Battle of Acentejo, where the Guanches emerged victorious. Subsequently, a protracted guerrilla war ensued, punctuated by pivotal Castilian triumphs in the Battle of Aguere and the second Battle of Acentejo. The conquest formally concluded with the Peace of Los Realejos in 1496, although pockets of indigenous resistance persisted in the mountainous regions, known as the "uprising Guanches." Finally, on December 7, 1526, Emperor Charles and Queen Juana issued a Royal Decree creating an appellate court in the islands with its headquarters in Gran Canaria—previously, the Chancellery of Granada was considered competent—which eventually became the common hierarchical authority of all the Cabildos and exercised a genuine governing function over the archipelago, evident from 1556 until the appointment of the first Captain General of the islands in 1589. Conquest of Gran Canaria (1478–1483) The initial stage took place from June to December 1478. Led by Juan Rejón and Dean Bermúdez, the first expeditionary force arrived at La Isleta on June 24, 1478. They established Real de La Palmas near Barranco de Guiniguada, which is present-day Las Palmas de Gran Canaria. Shortly after, the first battle occurred near Real, resulting in the defeat of the islanders and granting the Castilians control over the northeast corner of the island. From the end of 1478 until 1481, the period was marked by Guanche resistance and internal divisions among the Castilian forces. The indigenous population put up a fierce fight in the mountainous interior, while the invaders faced challenges such as limited resources and conflicts within their own ranks. Juan Rejón was dismissed by the Catholic Monarchs and replaced by Pedro Fernández de Algaba, who was later executed under the order of the deposed Rejón. The appointment of Pedro de Vera as the new governor and the arrest of Juan Rejón brought an end to the internal strife by 1481. The final stage, from 1481 to 1483, involved the suppression of Guanche resistance and the complete conquest of the island. Pedro de Vera, now the undisputed commander, resumed the campaign, aided by reinforcements from Gomero sent by Diego García de Herrera. The Battle of Arucas resulted in the death of the Guanche leader Doramas. The capture of Tenesor Semidán, the king of Gáldar, by Alonso Fernández de Lugo played a decisive role in the victory of the invaders. Tenesor Semidán was sent to Castile, baptized as Fernando Guanarteme, and after signing the Calatayud Pact with Fernando the Catholic, he became a loyal ally of the Castilians. After the end of the indigenous resistance in the interior of the island in 1481 and the capture of Tenesor Semidán, the guanarteme of Gáldar, by the Castilian Adelantado Alonso Fernández de Lugo, the signing of the treaty known as the Carta de Calatayud took place. The treaty was signed between Tenesor, representing the Kingdom of the Canaries, and Ferdinand the Catholic, King of Aragon, on behalf of the Kingdoms of the Spains. This treaty made the Canary Islands part of the Crown of Castile, and Spanish military commanders stationed in the Canaries were granted land, as were the different guanartemes, menceyes, or tribal kings, who remained as political authorities. With the fall of Gáldar, the indigenous resistance against the treaty with Spain shifted to the mountainous areas of the interior. There, Bentejuí, with the support of the faycán (shaman-advisor) of Telde and the princess of Gáldar, Guayarmina, organized the final resistance in the rocky heights of the island. Tenesor met with them in an attempt to convince them to cease the rebellion. On April 29, 1483, he had a conversation with Guayarmina Semidán, who, like him, was a descendant of the Semidán, and with Bentejuí at the fortress of Ansite, steadfast in his defiance. After the meeting, Guayarmina came down and surrendered, while later on that same day Bentejuí and the faycán of Telde embraced the ancestral ritual of committing suicide by jumping off a cliff, proclaiming "Atis tirma" (For you, land). The precipice that bore witness of this sorrowful fate has been given the name of Atis Tirma, as a testament to their sacrifice and indomitable spirits. With their death, all armed and organized resistance to the conquest of Gran Canaria by the Catholic Monarchs came to an end. Conquest of La Palma (1492–1493) Alonso Fernández de Lugo, a key figure in the conquest of Gran Canaria, was granted rights to conquer La Palma and Tenerife by the Catholic Monarchs. The agreement entailed a fifth of the captives and 700,000 maravedís as a reward if the conquest was completed within a year. To finance the endeavor, Alonso Fernández de Lugo formed a partnership with Juanoto Berardi and Francisco de Riberol. Each partner contributed a third of the expenses and would receive an equal share of the benefits. The campaign progressed relatively smoothly, beginning on September 29, 1492, with the landing in Tazacorte. Alonso Fernández de Lugo employed agreements and pacts with the Benahoarites, respecting the authority of the chieftains and granting them equal status with the Castilians, in order to win their support, and were transferred to Gran Canaria. Resistance was generally limited, except for an incident in Tigalate. However, in the canton of Aceró (Caldera de Taburiente), Chief Tanausú mounted a more organized resistance, utilizing the natural defenses of the terrain. After two failed attempts to penetrate the Caldera, Alonso Fernández de Lugo realized that time was running out and he feared the loss of the bonus of 700,000 maravedís, so he sent Juan de La Palma, a relative of Tanausú and ally of the Castilians, as a messenger to convince Tanausú to surrender, converse to Christianity and submit to the Catholic Kings promising to bring them presents. Tanausú sent as answer to the Castilians that they retreat from the Aceró, and that they meet on the next day outside his territory. Lugo agreed, but feared Tanausú and his men would retreat towards the rough grounds of the Caldera or ambush them. He awaited Tanausú and his men at the place that was agreed upon and then attacked the Benahoarites. After a bloody battle, the aboriginals were defeated and Tanausú was captured. Tanausú was taken away to be presented to Ferdinand and Isabella. In defiance, Tanausú is said to have refused to eat during the journey to Spain, and died without seeing land again. Fernández de Lugo proposed a meeting with Tanausú in Los Llanos de Aridane. The Castilians ambushed and captured Tanausú as he left the Caldera. He was subsequently transported to Castile as a prisoner, but tragically perished from starvation during the journey. The official end date of the conquest is recorded as May 3, 1493. Following this, a portion of the population in Aceró and other cantons that had signed peace treaties were sold into slavery, although the majority were integrated into the newly formed society after the conquest. Conquest of Tenerife (1494–1496) Tenerife was the final island to be conquered, and it took the longest time for the Castilian troops to subdue it. The traditional dates of the conquest span from 1494 to 1496, but attempts to annex Tenerife to the Crown of Castile began as early as 1464. Thus, 32 years passed from the first attempt until the island's ultimate conquest. In 1464, Diego Garcia de Herrera, Lord of the Canary Islands, symbolically took possession of Tenerife in the barranco del Bufadero. A peace treaty was signed with the menceyes (Guanches chiefs), allowing mencey Anaga to build a tower on his land. However, the tower was later destroyed by the Guanches around 1472. In 1492, an unsuccessful raid organized by Francisco Maldonado, the governor of Gran Canaria, resulted in defeat for the Europeans at the hands of the Guanches of Anaga. In December 1493, Alonso Fernández de Lugo obtained confirmation from the Catholic Monarchs for his right to conquer Tenerife. In return for renouncing the bonus promised for the conquest of La Palma, he claimed the governorship of Tenerife, though he would not receive revenue from the quinto real tax. The conquest was financed through the sale of Fernández de Lugo's sugar plantations in the valley of Agaete, acquired after the conquest of Gran Canaria, and by forming an association with Italian merchants settled in Seville. At the time of the conquest, Tenerife was divided into nine Menceyatos (kingdoms) that can be categorized into two factions: one largely in favor of the Castilians, known as "el bando de paz," and the other opposed to them, known as "el bando de guerra." The bando de paz consisted of the peoples in the south and east of the island, who had prior contact with the Castilians through missionary activities. The bando de guerra, based in the northern menceyatos, fiercely resisted the invasion. In April 1494, the invading force, consisting of Castilian and Canary Islands soldiers, landed in present-day Santa Cruz de Tenerife. They constructed a fortress and advanced into the interior of the island. Negotiations with Bencomo, the most important king in the bando de guerra, failed, leading to inevitable conflict. The First Battle of Acentejo took place in a ravine called Barranco de Acentejo, resulting in a significant defeat for the Castilians, with the loss of eighty percent of their forces. Fernández de Lugo managed to escape to Gran Canaria, regrouping with better-trained troops and more financial resources. After receiving aid and supplies from Inés Peraza, a neighboring territorial lord, Fernández de Lugo returned to Tenerife. He rebuilt the fortress at Añazo and defeated Bencomo in the Battle of Aguere in November. The use of cavalry and reinforcements led to the Castilian victory. The Guanches lost many men, including Bencomo. The impact of an epidemic on the outcome of the battle remains disputed. In December 1495, the Castilians, after a period of guerrilla warfare and war fatigue, advanced towards Taoro from the north. The Second Battle of Acentejo resulted in the collapse of aboriginal resistance and opened access to the Taoro Valley, marking the conquest of Tenerife and the end of the Canary Islands' conquest. The conquest of Tenerife concluded on July 25, 1496, with the Treaty of Los Realejos between the Taoro mencey and Alonso Fernández de Lugo. In celebration of the peace agreement, the first Christian church, Parroquia Matriz del Apóstol Santiago, was built in the Orotava Valley, honoring the patron saint of Spain. Role in the conquest of America The conquest of the Canary Islands played a pivotal role in the subsequent discovery and conquest of America by Castile. The Canary Islands served as a strategic base for Castilian sailors and explorers venturing into the Atlantic. They provided a stopover point for resupplying ships, repairing vessels, and recruiting new crew members. Additionally, the knowledge gained from the conquest and colonization of the Canary Islands, including navigation techniques, shipbuilding expertise, and contact with indigenous peoples, proved invaluable during the expeditions to the New World. Paul Chapman argues that Christopher Columbus drew insights from the Navigatio Sancti Brendani Abbatis, particularly regarding the favorable currents and winds for westbound travel via a southern route from the Canary Islands. Likewise, he utilized a more northerly route on the return journey, capitalizing on the same principles. As a result, Columbus followed this itinerary on all of his voyages. Sources (Coming soon.) Keywords #guanches #benahoaritas #CanaryIslands #IslasCanarias #archeology #arqueología #history #prehistory #MuseoArqueológicoBenahoarita

Language The original language is now only preserved in a few sentences and individual words, with additional information provided by various place names. Many linguists today argue that it is part of the Berber branch within the Afroasiatic language family. Although certain Berber words, particularly related to agriculture, can be recognized in the language, no Berber grammatical inflections have been found. In fact, there is a significant amount of vocabulary that bears no resemblance to Berber whatsoever. There are also notable similarities between the counting systems of Insular Berber and other Berber languages. Some authors suggest that the Canarian branch could be a sister branch to the surviving continental Berber languages, diverging during the early stages of the language family's development and before the terminus post quem for the origin of Proto-Berber. At the time of the Castilian conquest, speech varied from one island to another, as was the case for the Guanches of Achineche (Tenerife), according to an account from Juan de Abréu Galindo: Su habla [la de los Guanches] era diferente de las otras islas: hablaban en el buche como los africanos. Translation: Their speech [that of the Guanches] differed from that of other islands: they spoke in their gullet like Africans. — Juan de Abréu Galindo, Historia de la Conquista de las Siete Islas de Gran Canaria, Libro III, Capítulo XI – 1602 Silbo The ancient Canarian aboriginals of Tenerife, Gran Canaria, El Hierro and La Gomera had a whistled register of their language, which was used to convey messages over very long distances, across steep ravines, enabling communication over distances of up to five kilometres (approximately 3 miles). The silbo consists in transpositioning their speech to whistling, i.e. substituting phonemes by a reduced set of whistled phonemes. Different letters are distinguished by changes in the pitch and the continuity of the whistle. In the 16th century, after the conquest of the Canary Islands by Castile, the silbo was adapted to Spanish and was widely spoken into the following century. Use of the language declined in the 1950s, with the silbo barely remaining on El Hierro in the 1970s. Today it is only used in La Gomera, where the people born before 1950 learned it from their elders, and the younger population was taught in school (attending from 1999 onwards). Since 2009, UNESCO recognises it as a Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity. Juan de Abréu Galindo provides an example of a circumstance in which the aboriginals made use of silbo: Y quando tenian guerra, con ahumadas se entendian, y con silvos que daban de lo mas alto, y el que los oia silvaba al otro, y asi de mano en mano en breve tiempo se convocaban y juntaban todos. Translation: And when they were at war, they communicated with smoke, and by whistling from the highest mountaintops, and whomever heard them would pass it on to the next, and thus in a short time they summoned and gathered everyone. — Juan de Abréu Galindo, Historia de la Conquista de las Siete Islas de Gran Canaria, Libro III, Capítulo XII Writing systems The aboriginals of the Canary Islands were an almost entirely oral society in which memory and oral communication perform all the functions of which reading and writing have in a literate society. However, the Berber natives did have two writing systems which were used for brief messages: an abjad brought by the first settlers from the mainland; and a locally developed alphabet of Latin influence. Libyco-Berber or Libyc script The Libyco-Berber script, also known as the Libyc script, is an ancient abjad writing system that was utilized by various Berber peoples of North Africa and the Canary Islands during the first millennium BC. It served as a means to write ancient variations of the Berber language, such as the Numidian language in ancient North Africa. The Libyco-Berber script can be found in thousands of stone inscriptions and engravings across regions including Morocco, northern Algeria, Tunisia, northern Libya, and the Canary Islands. Additionally, there are inscriptions of the later Saharan variant within rocky outcrops in Mali and Niger. Among the numerous small inscriptions, several well-known and significant examples of Libyco-Berber inscriptions include the Massinissa Temple and the Prince Ateban Mausoleum, both located in Dougga (Arabic:دُقَّة  Duqqah; Tunisian Arabic: دُڨَّة Duq̇q̇ah; Latin Thugga; Libyco-Berber: tbgg < Berber tbg "to protect"?; Punic: 𐤕𐤁𐤂𐤂 tbgg, 𐤕𐤁𐤂𐤏𐤂 tbgʿg < Phoenician "in the roof terrace"?) in northern Tunisia. Other noteworthy inscriptions include Azib n'Ikkis and Oukaïmeden (Berber: ⵓⴽⴰⵢⴻⵎⴷⴰⵏ Ukayemdan), both located in the High Atlas Mountains of Morocco. Throughout the existence of the ancient Berber kingdoms of Numidia (northern Algeria, 202 BC–40 BC) and Mauretania (northern Morocco, 3rd century BC – 44 AD), numerous inscriptions were engraved using the Libyco-Berber script. While the majority of these inscriptions were simple funerary scripts, examples of rock art, cave art, graffiti, and even a few official governmental and potentially religious inscriptions have been discovered. The origin of the Libyco-Berber script remains a subject of debate among academic researchers. Several theories have been put forward to explain its origins. One prominent view suggests that it is a heavily modified version of the Phoenician script or a local invention influenced by Phoenician script. This theory is widely supported and suggests that the Libyco-Berber script was developed based on a local prototype that drew conceptual inspiration from the Phoenician or archaic Semitic model. However, there are other less plausible theories that propose Greek, Punic, or even South Arabian influences on the script's development. Libyco-Berber may have gradually disappeared in the Canary Islands with the development of the distinct prehispanic cultures, and it declined in northern areas of Africa during or after the reign of the Roman and Byzantine empires. However, it persisted and spread southward into the Sahara Desert, evolving into the Tuareg Tifinagh alphabet, which the Tuareg Berbers still employ to this day. The alphabets of the Tuareg use characters called tafinəɣ (singular of tifinaɣ). The root of this word, fnɣ, is for some a Berberised feminine plural form of the Greek term Φοίνῑξ (Phoínīx “Phoenician”) or the Latin term Punicus (“Carthaginians”, i.e. Western Phoenicians), through the addition of the feminine prefix ti- to the root √fnɣ. Thus, the term “Tifinagh” could possibly mean "the Phoenician [letters]" or "the Punic [letters]." Both the Greek and Latin terms for “Phoenician” are probably derived from Ancient Egyptian fnḫw, likely the term for Phoenicians, which literally meant “carpenters, woodcutters.” There are three similar variants of Libyco-Berber script: The Eastern variant (Numidian): This variant was used in modern-day Qusanṭīnah and Awrās regions of Algeria and Tunisia. It is the best understood variant, due to the Numidian bilingual inscriptions at Duggah (Libyco-Berber: "tbgg"), KAI 100 and KAI 101. It had 24 letters, of which 22 have been deciphered. The Western variant: This variant was used along the Mediterranean coast from Kabylia to the Canary Islands. It used 13 supplementary letters. Writings from Garafía (La Palma), El Julán (El Hierro) or Balos (Gran Canaria) are identified as virtually identical to the Libyco-Berber script from North Africa brought by the first aboriginals. Approximately 6000 Libyco-Berber signs have been recovered throughout all of North Africa, and over 1000 Libyco-Berber signs in total have been found on the Canary Islands alone. However, they were much more common on some islands than others, with El Hierro possessing more than half of them. El Hierro (>500 signs): It includes various carvings from the island like La Caleta, Tejeleita, El Julán or Los Signos, as well as the well-known "chajasco" (funerary table) from Guarazoca. Gran Canaria (232 signs): The horizontal inscription from Roque Bentaiga is of doubtful origin, since it is speculated it might be recent. La Gomera (82 signs): It includes the writings from Las Toscas del Guirre. It is very likely that many more are to be found on this island. Majo (>190 signs): It includes carvings from both Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, as these two islands probably shared the same culture. Here, another type of script developed, Latino-Canarian or Libyco-Canarian script, of Latin influence. La Palma (>9 signs): The only inscriptions that have been found are the ones at Tajodeque, located at 2000 meters above sea level on the inner walls of the Caldera de Taburiente, and on the "Berber Idol" found at Buracas, the only case of Libyco-Berber inscriptions on terracotta on the Canary Islands. Tenerife (>9 signs): The only inscriptions are located at Cambados and Cabuquero. The Libyco-Berber script was a pure abjad, lacking distinct vowel symbols. However, it included equivalents for "w" and "y," and "h" may have served as a mater lectionis for "a" as well. Gemination, the doubling of consonant sounds, was not indicated. The writing direction was typically bottom-to-top, although right-to-left and other variations were also observed. The letters had different forms when written vertically compared to horizontally, and they exhibited highly geometrical shapes. In North Africa, on the other hand, at an unknown date, the appearance of Libyco-Berber changed dramatically. All phonemes except 6 were represented by completely new characters. This new alphabet is called Tifinagh. Evidence for Tifinagh is found on thousands of rock inscriptions across North Africa, but only a very few in Morocco. This restriction may be the reason for the fact that no Tifinagh inscriptions are found in the Canary Islands. The most obvious feature of this alphabet is the appearance of dotted signs in addition to linear ones. The only inscription from the Canary Islands which can be related to this stage of evolution of Libyco–Berber script is the one at the site of Llano de Zonzamas in Lanzarote, that surprisingly contains the following sequence (zɣrɣ): The inscription at Llano de Zonzamas in Lanzarote, which reads zɣrɣ, and possesses a dotted variety of the letter ɣ which is normally linear. Though common in Tifinagh, this is the only recorded case for the Libyco-Berber script in the Canary Islands. Latino-Canarian or Libyco-Canarian script Substantial evidence supports the occurrence of contact between the Romans and the indigenous inhabitants of Fuerteventura and Lanzarote in the Canary Islands. A particularly significant piece of evidence is the presence of an ancient Roman factory on Islote de Lobos, a small islet situated between Lanzarote and Fuerteventura. This factory was specifically dedicated to the extraction of purple dye from the mucus of two mollusk species belonging to the Muricidae family: Stramonita haemastoma and Hexaplex duplex. During this period of contact, the Berber communities residing on the eastern islands of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura developed a distinct script known as the Latino-Canarian or Libyco-Canarian, influenced by Latin. Unlike the older script, this script was a true alphabet, comprising both consonants and vowels, and was characterized by the use of numerous ligatures. Across the Mediterranean and beyond, there are other examples of scripts that emerged as a result of foreign influences. One such example is the Greco-Iberian alphabet, which directly adapted the Ionic Greek alphabet to the specific phonemes of the Iberian language, differing from the predominantly semi-syllabic paleohispanic scripts. Another illustration is the Bactrian alphabet, which also evolved from the Greek alphabet but differed significantly from other Iranian scripts that were primarily derived from Aramaic. Sources (Coming soon.) Keywords #guanches #benahoaritas #CanaryIslands #IslasCanarias #archeology #arqueología #history #prehistory #MuseoArqueológicoBenahoarita

La Palma's Cumbre Vieja volcano eruption of 2021 Characteristics The eruption of Tajogaite occurred in the end of 2021. It is a fissure-fed monogenetic—a volcanic vent which is active only once—cinder (scoria) cone, characterized by Strombolian activity with lava-fountaining episodes (paroxysms) as well as phreatomagmatic pulses, with one large final explosion of Vulcanian type. It is located on the Canary Island of La Palma, Spain, at the northwestern end of the subaerial section of the Cumbre Vieja volcanic ridge, of which it is just one of many vents. The eruption took place in a forested area called Hoya de Tajogaite, which is located in Cabezavaca (a.k.a. Cabeza de Vaca "cow head"), and belongs to the section of Las Manchas of El Paso municipality. The eruption of Tajogaite has surpassed all previous subhistorical and historical eruptions on La Palma in terms of quantity of expelled materials, duration, and intensity: It expelled 215×10⁶ m³ of volcanic material (almost as much as all the previous other 6 historical eruptions of La Palma combined); covered an area of 1,237.3 ha with lava fields, lasted for a total of 85 days and 8 hours; attained a volcanic explosivity index (VEI) of 3; and produced 9,090 earthquakes. Subhistorical eruptions on La Palma are represented by a single event: Tacande, Tacante or Montaña Quemada: VEI 2, 1470-92, 462 ha (unknown duration). Historical eruptions on La Palma occurred as follows: Tehuya, Tahuya, Tihuya, Roques de Jedey or Los Campanarios: VEI 2, 1585, 24×10⁶ m³, 400 ha, 84 days. San Martín, Tigalate or Tagalate: VEI 2, 1646, 26×10⁶ m³, 610 ha, 82 days. San Antonio: VEI 2, 1677-78, 66×10⁶ m³, 446 ha, 66 days. El Charco or Montaña Lajiones: VEI 2, 1712, 41×10⁶ m³, 535 ha, 56 days. San Juan (western vent of Llano del Banco and eastern craters of Nambroque, Hoyo Negro and Duraznero—the latter two jointly known as Las Deseadas): VEI 2, 1949, 51×10⁶ m³, 392 ha, 47 days. Teneguía: VEI 2, 1971, 31×10⁶ m³, 317 ha, 24 days. Tajogaite: VEI 3, 2021, 215×10⁶ m³, 1,237.3 ha, 85 days and 8 hours (Sept. 19 14:11 UTC—Dec. 13 22:21 UTC). The eruption has shown both great explosive and effusive activity, emitting a total of 215 million m³ of volcanic material (lava flows and tephra), almost as much as all the previous other 6 historical eruptions of La Palma combined. Initially, tephrite was emitted; and since late September, basanite. At least 6 eruptive fissures spanning 557 m in a north-easterly direction produced the new scoria cone about 700 m long at the base and 200 m tall—as opposed to Teneguía's which is 77 m tall—at 1,121 m above sea level with a volume of 34 million m³. The violent pulsating lava fountains have reached heights of up to 600 m, expelling a total of over 20 million m³ of tephra. Volcanic bombs—tephra larger than 64 mm and up to several meters—were thrown up to 1.5 km from the eruptive vents. Over 160 million m³ of lava flows have been emitted, more than in the eruptions of San Juan (1949) and Teneguía (1971) combined, making it the third most significant eruption in the history of the Canary Islands, only behind Timanfaya in Lanzarote (1730-1736; 1 billion m³) and the submarine eruption of Tagoro in El Hierro (2011; 329 million m³). Lava flow morphology was mostly ʻaʻā, with some pāhoehoe. The eruption has buried under lava an area larger than any previous registered eruption. The lava flows have spread to 1,237.3 hectares, although only the emerged part of the streams is considered and the total surface is slightly higher. The subaereal lava flows measure 3,350 m wide by 6.5 km long, with an additional 1.1 km-long submarine portion, and normally reach between 10 and 20 m in height, and 70 m in watercourses. Their highest recorded temperature was 1,140 °C. Several lava flows have reached the Atlantic Ocean. The subaereal portion of the lava deltas—known locally as "fajanas", a term used for both lavatic and detrital deposits—that were formed in the sea at Los Guirros Beach in Tazacorte have added 48.02 ha to Spain's territory, 4 hectares larger than Vatican City. The area of the submarine lava deltas, on the other hand, is larger than 21 ha. The average duration of the eruptions on La Palma is 60 days, and up until recently there has been a constant decreasing tendency since the 84 days that the Tehuya eruption (1585) lasted to the 24 days of Teneguía (1971). However, Tajogaite has broken this dynamic and has surpassed Tehuya as the most long-lived registered eruption in 431 years. For its first two months, the eruption was assigned a rating on the Volcanic Explosivity Index (VEI) of VEI 2 (on a scale of 8). On 20 November 2021, the scientific committee of the Canary Islands Volcanic Emergency Plan (Pevolca) raised the rating from VEI 2 to VEI 3. Though in modern eruptions where it can be measured, eruption column height is often seen as a more accurate measure, in this case the change was based on the 10 million m³ of ejected tephra measure alone. The ash plume was typically 3.5 km high, but has reached heights of 7 km on several occasions causing effects that were felt in Morocco, Western Europe and the Caribbean, and reaching a maximum height of 8.5 km on December 13 during the Vulcanian explosion. As for gas emissions, Tajogaite has emitted 56,000 tons of SO₂ on its first day and 400,000 tons in only a little over 3 weeks, more than all active volcanoes throughout all of 2020, breaking the world record and surpassing the previous holder of the title, Miyakejima volcano in Japan. The total amount, however, is approximately 2 million tons (2 teragrams). The strongest earthquake since the start of the eruption in September, as well as the entire seismic crisis which started in 2017, occurred on November 19 at 01:08:47 UTC, and registered at 5.1 mBLg at 36 km depth underneath the centre of Cumbre Vieja. The highest felt seismic intensity—ranking based on the observed effects of an earthquake in each particular place—was IV-V (EMS). The average depth at which the earthquakes occurred was at 15 km, and were mostly located between 40 and 35 km and 15 and 10 km depth, with the deepest one at 45 km (Nov 22, 2021 19:20 GMT), and the shallowest one registered at barely 1 km. On November 30, seismic activity reached a record number of 374 quakes of magnitudes above 2 during a 24 hour window. The total amount of registered earthquakes was 9,090. The most acute vetical deformation was registered at 33 cm on October 24, in LP03—the nearest station to the volcanic cone. The accumulated released seismic energy has been 6.3×10¹³ joules ≈ 175 million MWh. The eruption has caused widespread damage on the island. Only in the first 3 days the damage has exceeded the value of €906.8 million. The vast lava flows have completely destroyed the three towns of El Paraíso, Todoque and La Laguna, and partially that of Las Manchas. It has forced about 7,000 people to flee and leaving 1,307 people homeless. 2,988 buildings, nearly 60 km of roads, 260 hectares of crops (145.61 ha of banana plantations, 53.54 ha of vineyards and 22.89 ha of avocado plantations) have been buried beneath the lava. It ranks among the most devastating volcanic eruptions in the recent history worldwide. Summary of the eruption Background Since October 2017 until June 2021, up to 8 earthquake swarms were registered under the Cumbre Vieja volcanic ridge. On September 11, 2021, a new earthquake swarm of low intensity occurred in the south of the island. It slowly migrated to the surface, with earthquakes up to around 3.5 on the Richter scale, and over 25,000 recorded in the space of 10 days. On September 13, 1,500 small earthquakes were registered in Cumbre Vieja. September Main article: Tajogaite (September) After a magnitude 4.2 earthquake on September 19 at 14:11 UTC, the volcano started erupting, and lava started flowing through a crack located between El Frontón and Hoya de Tajogaite, in a valley-like landscape near Montaña Rajada. The eruption started with the opening of little fissures of the ground following directions prefixed by the main structural patterns of the island. From the first moments, this fissuration was accompanied by the emission of gases and small lava fountains from several points along the whole extension of the main fissure that attained several kilometres in length. Within a short time during the first hours of the event, these multiple incipient volcanic vents remained restricted to a few ones, increasingly active, where the construction of heaps of tephra gradually grew and coalesced to the typical volcanic cone with its corresponding craters. By September 21, the eruption had caused damage likely to exceed the value of €400 million. Throughout the last week of September, the eruption experienced a more explosive phase due to a slower ascent of the magma that allowed gases to concentrate and explode, releasing a 4,500 m tall ash plume and volcanic bombs of one meter thrown up 400 m in the air. Record highs of more than 50,000 tons of sulphur dioxide a day were recorded. The aerosol plumes from the eruption continued to travel along northern Africa and south Europe reaching Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, a large part of Iberian Peninsula and the Mediterranean coasts of France and Italy. On September 29, the lava flow reached the ocean for the first time, passing north of the cinder cone of Montaña Todoque, to arrive and descend at the sea cliff at Playa Nueva, generating acid clouds of hot steam. By the end of the month, the eruption had expelled almost 80 million m³ of lava, covering over 230 hectares of the island, completely destroying 630 buildings and infrastructures and around 20 km of roads. In only 11 days, the eruption expelled nearly twice as much lava as the Teneguía did in 24 days. Initially, tephrite was expelled; and since late September, basanite. These variations of the chemistry and mineralogy of the lavas were related to the different stages of the eruption. October Main article: Tajogaite (October) On October 4, voluminous lava flows invade the cone's flanks as the crater area partially collapses. Approximately one week into the month of October, the eruption was characterized by highly noisy, energetic, sustained and near-constant explosions, causing strong vibration of soil, vehicles and windows in a range of more than 5-6 km around the vents. Volcanic lightning over the eruption was first seen on October 11, triggered by the friction of colliding pyrocslasts within the thick plume. On October 13, the eruption expelled over 400,000 tons of SO₂, more than all active volcanoes throughout all of 2020, breaking the world record and surpassing the previous holder of the title, Miyakejima volcano. The explosive activity decreased a lot on October 16 and was often absent, and the eruption became dominantly effusive. This would however change on October 19 when the eruption intensified once again, with the upper vents producing vigorous explosions and pulsating lava and ash fountains, and the lower vents feeding the lava flow. By October 22, there were 7 active vents from which different materials emanated. Each of the 4 vents of the main cone presented its own characteristic activity, which was as following from west to east (upslope): a first Hawaiian vent which solely emitted pāhoehoe lava flows; a second pulsating Hawaiian vent with gases; a third vent which emitted gases and water vapor; and a fourth Strombolian vent which emitted pyroclasts and gases. Due to the considerable slope of the terrain in the direction in which the fissure opened, high pressure lava fountains, pyroclastic materials and gases were emitted mostly from the higher volcanic vents, while from the lower vents only more or less degasified lava poured out with a much lower explosivity. This is because in upper vents, gas bubbles usually form a type of conduit within the magma column, causing magma to erupt as gas jets with little liquid and more ash; whereas areas at the margins of the main column might be largely degassed on the other hand, and these will form liquid, but lower fountains or entirely effusive vents. The secondary cone, 300 m away from the main one, possesses a phreatomagmatic vent which emits water vapor, gases and ashes. External water—from the groundwater system—sometimes interacts with the magma. Depending on how much water is present and able to interact with the magma, this interaction can completely change the dynamics of the activity at some or even all vents. Water can absorb a lot of energy, but if in contact with magma, it typically transforms into steam as result, which goes with a thousand times increase of volume. If the generated steam is not easily released, it becomes over-pressured, and once this pressure overcomes the surrounding containing pressure, it will result in violent explosions known as phreatomagmatic. Phreatomagmatic activity is more likely to occur at the vents furthest away from the center, where magma rises through older rock layers that might still contain water or are in connection with aquifers. On October 25, the pulsating Hawaiian vent collapsed, giving way to short-lived floods of lava gushing out of the destroyed lava lake. This was followed on the next day by a slight decrease in effusive and explosive activity. However, vertical ground deformation of 10 cm heralded a great increase in explosiveness, with 600 m-tall lava fountaining at the main vent and other vents producing dense ash. In accordance with an increase in the number of earthquakes in the last week of October, the explosive activity remained very high into the month of November, with a 5.1 magnitude earthquake on October 30. In October, the main cone reached its current height of 200 meters from its base. November Main article: Tajogaite (November) Volcanic tremor decreased in the first week of November, whereas gas emissions and ground deformation increased, and elemental sulphur is seen for the first time on the cone, indicating a clear change in the dynamic of the eruption. On November 6, activity picks up punctually and the ground inflates 10 cm in 24 hours, but the activity continues to steadily slow down afterwards. On November 9, the lava flows reach coast again, and enter the ocean at Playa de Los Guirres. While the activity remains stable, lava keeps flowing into the ocean during the coming days. On November 16, the eruption intensifies again, at first with occasional small lava fountaining and moderate ash emissions at the summit vents, but it would become increasingly violent in the course of the coming days, with intense internal and external activity in the form of increased seismicity, volcanic tremor, strong ash emissions and more surface lava flows near the vent as well as downslope. But the eruption shifted most of the visible activity to the vents again on November 19, where lava surged out in a short flood, possibly due to a collapse in the northern wall of the cone, and a new voluminous lava flow travelled downhill from the cone which could be due to a temporary increase in magma supply or a decrease of the amount of lava going into the tube system as a result of a blockage. The activity decreases somewhat, but lava continues to cover new land. On November 22, lava flow #7 reaches the ocean, creating a third lava delta. A second branch of the active lava flow, travelling south of the main one, yet again reached the ocean, causing massive rockfalls at the sea cliff. Despite the spectacular lava flows, the eruption coninues on a decreasing trend. The weaker activity changed dramatically on the morning of November 25 AT 09:00 UTC, when an episode of sudden increase in the emission of lava occurred at the main effusive vent, and around 11:00 UTC a new voluminous and very liquid lava flow began to pour out towards the southwest, travelling parallel to the previous flow labelled #10. Later that same day, at 17:15 UTC, a new fissure opened less than 1,000 m south of the main cone, with one of the effusive vents appeearing right next to a house, feeding a new lava flow for the next two days that quickly reached Las Manchas at 600 m/h. Another surge of lava occurred at the main cone, generating a spectacular dome-shaped lava fountain at the lower vent while ash- and gas-rich fountains were jetting from the main vent. The activity started to get calmer on November 27, but increasing inflation indicated that more lava was being stored at depth than currently erupted, announcing a new surge of magma. During the course of the eruption, secondary cracks and fissures developed upslope near the main volcanic vents following also the main structural trends of the island, likely because the older conduits at the cone have become too high and too inaccessible compared to creating new fissures at the base of the cone. On the morning of November 28, several new vents opened at the northern and northeastern base of the main cone, producing lava fountains and emitting new lava flows that travel around the northern side of the cone. The lava flows from the new vents quickly crossed the Tacande road and enlarged the northern margin of the flow field, covering new so-far untouched land in that part. By now, the eruption already counted as the largest on La Palma Island in over 500 years, likely overtaking the 1585 eruption at Tahuya as the largest by volume eruption on the island in recorded history. The latter erupted approximately 300 million m³ of lava, while the volume of this eruption was already estimated to be at about this value at this point. As to the other lava flows, activity continued to feed them as well. On the last day of November, the lava flow activity decreased, while seismic activity reached a record number of almost 374 quakes of magnitudes above 2 during 24 hours. The total area covered by lava flows, including the lava deltas, stood at 1,151 hectares. The activity remained intense into the month of December. December Main article: Tajogaite (December) On the night of December 1, Strombolian activity increased at the new vent system on the northeastern side of the cone, with tall and sustained lava fountaining at the main vent. On the next morning, the activity dropped again significantly, but a new signal of ground uplift announced a new batch of magma that was on the rise and being stored. On December 4, the calm came to an and and the new magma arrived at the vents causing short-ived overflow of lava. From the next day onwards, activity started decreasing, with only intermittent and weak pulses of Strombolian activity and occasional ash emissions of 2-3.7 km in altitude could be seen at the vents. As activity slowly keeps declining, lava flows continue to advance towards the sea in the Las Hoyas area, which fell over the cliff towards the foreland in the morning of December 11. The eruption continues with little changes in the coming days, until suddenly and without a marked and gradual decrease of the explosivity and lava outpour, the activity practically ceased with one large final explosion of Vulcanian type on December 12 at 12:00 UTC, producing a steam and ash plume that quickly rose to an estimated 5-6 km in altitude. This is due to conduits gradually closing up with debris in their upper parts as supply of rising material is less abundant, creating a plug which is suddenly thrown out when gas pressure underneath overcomes a threshold. As the volcano entered its final waning stage on December 13—now on its 85th day of activity—it became the longest eruption in recorded history on La Palma. On December 13, the eruption gained in intensity, both explosive and effusive. Phases of strong ash emissions and lava fountains alternated with calm periods with only steam emanating from the craters. Activity finally ceased at 22:22 UTC that same day. Subsequently, the entire eruptive area will suffer a period of slow degasification, gradually becoming weaker in the following 2 or 3 years. After this period, all volcanic manifestations will cease. Observed phenomena Cumulonimbus flammagenitus The cumulonimbus flammagenitus cloud (CbFg), also known as the pyrocumulonimbus cloud (pyroCb), is a type of cumulonimbus cloud that forms above a source of heat, such as a volcanic eruption It is the most extreme manifestation of a flammagenitus cloud. The CbFg is a fire-aided or –caused convective cloud, like a flammagenitus, but with considerable vertical development. The CbFg reaches the upper troposphere or even lower stratosphere and may involve precipitation (although usually light), hail, lightning, extreme low-level winds, and in some cases even tornadoes. The maximum height was achieved during the Vulcanian explosion of December 13. Volcanic lightning Volcanic lightning is an electrical discharge caused by a volcanic eruption rather than from an ordinary thunderstorm. Volcanic lightning arises from colliding, fragmenting particles of volcanic ash (and sometimes ice), which release ions and generate static electricity within the volcanic plume, leading to the name dirty thunderstorm. Moist convection and ice formation also drive the eruption plume dynamics and can trigger volcanic lightning. But unlike ordinary thunderstorms, volcanic lightning can also occur before any ice crystals have formed in the ash cloud. As Pliny the Younger described it in 79 AD upon seeing the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, "There was a most intense darkness rendered more appalling by the fitful gleam of torches at intervals obscured by the transient blaze of lightning." Volcanic lightning over La Palma's Cumbre Vieja volcano eruption was first observed on October 11. Dust devils Volcanic whirlwinds or dust devils (Spanish: "tolvanera, diablo de polvo") have been seen twirling near the volcano, towering above the lava flow. Dust devils are strong and relatively short-lived whirlwinds. They form when a pocket of hot air near the surface rises quickly through cooler air above it, forming an updraft. In ideal conditions, the updraft may begin to rotate. As the air rapidly rises, the column of hot air is stretched vertically, thereby moving mass closer to the axis of rotation, which causes intensification of the spinning effect by conservation of angular momentum. The secondary flow in the dust devil causes other hot air to speed horizontally inward to the bottom of the newly forming vortex. As more hot air rushes in toward the developing vortex to replace the air that is rising, the spinning effect becomes further intensified and self-sustaining. Elemental sulfur On November 5 in the afternoon, deposits of elemental sulfur appeared for the first time on the main cone, indicating a clear change in its dynamics. Restingolite The eruption has emitted intriguing eruption products. These specimens appeared as volcanic "bombs" that are termed "restingolites" (after the village of La Restinga on the nearby island of El Hierro where the submarine eruption of Tagoro took place in October 2011) and exhibit cores of white and porous pumice-like material with buoyant capacity. Currently the nature and origin of these white stones is vigorously debated among researchers, with important implications for the interpretation of the hazard potential of the ongoing eruption. The "restingolites" have been proposed to be either: Juvenile high-silica magma (e.g. rhyolite) Remelted magmatic material (trachyte) Altered volcanic rock Reheated hyaloclastites or zeolite Reheated xenoliths from pre-island sedimentary rocks Based on their high silica content, the lack of igneous trace element signatures, and the presence of remnant quartz crystals, jasper fragments and carbonate relicts, the likeliest possibility is that "restingolites" are in fact xenoliths from pre-island sedimentary rocks that were picked up and heated by the ascending magma causing them to partially melt and vesiculate. The oceanic crust beneath the Canary Islands dates from the Jurassic period (201.3 ± 0.2 – ~145.0 Ma). Therefore, ever since its formation, a great amount of sediments have been deposited, and the islands have grown over them. When magma rises from the mantle, it is capable of dragging rock fragments along its path. El magma cuando asciende desde el manto, es capaz de arrastrar fragmentos de rocas en su camino. As in El Hierro, fragments of these sedimentary pre-island rocks were expelled to the exterior. On occasions, magma assimilates part of these rocks. They hence represent messengers from depth that help us to understand the interaction between ascending magma and crustal lithologies in the Canary Islands as well as in similar Atlantic islands that rest on sediment-covered ocean crust (e.g. Cape Verdes, Azores). The occurrence of these "restingolites" does therefore not indicate the presence of an explosive high-silica magma that is involved in the ongoing eruption. Blue lava, blue fire, sulfur fire or Api Biru Blue lava is a phenomenon that occurs when sulfur burns. It is an electric-blue flame that has the illusory appearance of lava. Despite the name, the phenomenon is actually a sulfuric fire that resembles the appearance of lava, rather than actual lava from a volcanic eruption. Fumarolic circles On the slopes nearest to the main cone, several large fissures have appeared with concentric circular shapes. These curious figures are produced due to fumaroles emanating through external cracks. Because of the emission of high-temperature gases and condensation, tephra is weighed down and is not carried away by the wind, which leaves behind these concentric circles on the surface. Etymology Volcano vents on La Palma have traditionally been either given Benahoarite names or, more rarely and not in recent times, named after the Saint on whose feast day the eruption began. An early proposal for a Benahoarite name for the new vent was Jedey, after a nearby village, but this was not received favourably. Others have suggested the name Tacande, which is actually already synonymous to Montaña Quemada. The name that was ultimately chosen is Tajogaite, a name that had gained wider support, as well as the name given to the region of La Palma where the eruption took place—Hoya de Tajogaite—located immediately to the west of the main cone. Contrary to popular belief, the term tajogaite does not mean Montaña Rajada, which is a small mount located to the south of Llano de Tajogaite. The name is of Benahoarite origin, and it is derived from Tagojaite through metathesis. The toponym appears frequently from the 18th century onwards in local registers related to land property. It appears along with the variants of Tagojaite and Taguajaite, and it may be related to the Bimbape terms Tejeguate and Tejegüete from the neighbouring island of El Hierro. The morphology of the term is typically Berber (Tamaziɣt), corresponding to the model t-t with the paragogic -e. The lexical elements are yet to be identified with certainty, but seem to occur as doublets in other placenames of the island. The term gaite is found also in Tenerife, with the meaning of 'fern root flour dough'. Tagoja, on the other hand, is a term that occurs in La Palma at the Tagoja Mountain in Santa Cruz de La Palma and Fuente de Tagoja at Gallegos in Barlovento, both being places that possess sandy soils which constitute ideal places for ferns to grow, just like Tajogaite. It could therefore be hypothesized that tagoja refers to the fern of which root has traditionally been used to elaborate 'gofio', 'gaites de tofe' (dough made from scalded gofio) and 'gaites de haran' (fern root flour dough)—namely the eagle fern (Pteridium aquilinum), which in fact is very abundant in the area of Tajogaite, Tagoja Mountain and Fuente de Tagoja. As for the possible Bimbape cognates, Tejeguate, Tejegüete and related terms, they are thought to be composed of the roots h-w and h-w-g-h, which are shared by all existing Berber dialects with many examples in toponyms throughout Northern Africa (Morocco, Algeria, Niger, Mali, etc.), with the meaning of 'the color red'. If this is correct, Tejeguate and Tejegüete would be chromatoponyms characterised by the red color of their soil. In the case of Tejegüete in El Hierro, it is explained by the abundance of red ochre that, when moistened, forms an impermeable layer that allowed the construction of water reservoirs that guaranteed water supply to the locals of El Hierro for centuries. The dark reddish color of Tejeguate on the other hand, which is located in the lower part of the Golfo of El Hierro, is represented by its lava flows. Yet another alternative hypothesis suggests it is related to the Berber tighiwit, which meaning is 'plowed field'. Lastly, it is also hypothesised that Tajogaite is derived from tagogayt, referring to an unidentified perennial plant, due to its similarity with the Berber term teguq(te). External links IGME | Instituto Geológico y Minero de España INVOLCAN | Instituto Volcanológico de Canarias IGN | Instituto Geográfico Nacional Map of the eruption on La Palma (IGN) Copernicus Global Volcanism Program | La Palma IDECanarias visor 3D #tajogaite #cabezadevaca #cabezavaca #montañarajada #cumbrevieja #lapalma #eruption #volcano

The Cumbre Vieja is an active volcanic ridge on the island of La Palma in the Canary Islands, Spain. It reaches a height of 1,949 m above sea level at the vent of La Deseada. The spine of Cumbre Vieja trends in an approximate north–south direction, and covers the southern half of La Palma, with both summit ridge and flanks pockmarked by over a dozen craters. Since about 125,000 years ago (~125 ka), all subaerial eruptions on La Palma have been associated with the Cumbre Vieja, with eruptions ranging over the whole 25-kilometre-long ridge. Submarine surveys show that the Cumbre Vieja continues south of Punta de Fuencaliente (the "Point of the Hot Source"), but no volcanic activity connected with the submarine extension has yet been observed. Cumbre Vieja, meaning 'Old Summit', is in fact older than its younger counterpart Cumbre Nueva, which in turn means 'New Summit.' This paradox is owed to the fact that in mainland Spain, rugged mountain ranges with sharper summits—such as the Cantabrian Mountains—were traditionally referred to as 'new', whereas softer, eroded landscapes—such as the Galician Massif—were referred to as 'old'. While this naming system is geologically accurate in mainland Spain, it has lead to an incoherent interpretation in the Canary Islands. Due to orographic similarity and not because of their geological genesis, the older, rugged mountain ridges of La Palma—the Caldera de Taburiente and Cumbre Nueva—were considered to be new, and the softer mountain ranges pockmarked by recent volcano eruptions—Cumbre Vieja—were considered to be old. Prehistorical eruptions Eruptions in the last 7,000 years have originated from abundant cinder cones and craters along the axis of Cumbre Vieja, producing fissure-fed lava flows gushing abruptly to the sea. ~125 ka: Formation of the volcanic ridge of Cumbre Vieja. 6,050 BCE ± 1,500: Eruption. 4,900 BCE ± 50: Eruption. 4,050 BCE ± 3000: Eruption of l'Amendrita and Birigoyo. 1,320 BCE ± 100: Eruption of La Fajana. 360 BCE ± 50: Eruption of El Fraile. 900 CE ± 100: Eruption of Nambroque II-Malforada. Subhistorical and historical eruptions From the first contacts of the European navigators who first visited the Canary Islands around the 15th century, 18 eruptions have occurred, of which 7 took place on La Palma. They mostly produced light explosive activity and lava flows that damaged the populated areas. On every occasion, alcaline basaltic lavas were emitted: true basalts, ankaramites and/or basanitoids. A differentiation process always took place in the magma chamber and a sequence from amphibole to olivine-bearing lavas was erupted. These variations of the chemistry and mineralogy of the lavas were related to the different stages of the eruption and the height over sea level where the corresponding eruptive vents opened. The duration of these historic eruptions ranges between 1 and 3 months, and the area covered with lava and pyroclasts is 39 km², 5.5% of the total surface of the island. The 7 historic eruptions of La Palma have occurred in the southern half of the island, known as Cumbre Vieja, which spans from El Paso to the southernmost tip of the island in Fuencaliente. All eruptions began after a more or less prolonged period of earthquakes, whose magnitude never exceeded 6 on the Richter scale. These quakes were always restricted to some zones of the island, and increased their intensity and frequency on the days and hours preceding the eruptions. The eruption starts with the opening of little fissures of the ground following directions prefixed by the main structural patterns of the island. From the first moments, this fissuration is accompanied by the emission of gases and small lava fountains from several points along the whole extension of the main fissure that can attain several kilometers in length. Within a short time during the first hours of the event, these multiple incipient volcanic vents remain restricted to a few ones, increasingly active, where the construction of heaps of tephra increasingly grow and coalesce to the typical volcanic cones with their corresponding craters. When the fissure opens in a terrain with a considerable slope and in its direction, high pressure lava fountains, pyroclastic materials and gases are emitted from the higher volcanic vents, while from the lower vents only more or less degasified lava pours out with a much lower explosivity. This pattern is more noticeable when the difference in height of the volcanic vents is greater, and the duration of the eruption is long-lived. In the most typical instances, the higher vents grow to volcanic cones a couple of hundreds of meters, while in the lower ones, only some eruptive fissures with outpouring lava remain. This pattern is very clear in eruptions such as that of Tigalate, El Charco, San Juan and Tajogaite, where the difference in height of the vents is very noticeable. During the course of the eruption, it is also frequent that secondary cracks and fissures develop near the main volcanic vents, following also the main structural trends of the island. The eruption continues with changes in the activity of the several vents, until suddenly and without a marked and gradual decrease of the explosivity and lava outpour, the activity practically ceases. Subsequently, the entire eruptive area suffers a period of slow degasification, gradually becoming weaker in the following 2 or 3 years. After this period, all volcanic manifestations cease, starting a new eruption, after an irregular period of time that normally lasts for several years, in other parts of the same island. Subhistorical eruptions are represented by a single event: Tacande, Tacante or Montaña Quemada: VEI 2, 1470-92, 462 ha (unknown duration). Historical eruptions on La Palma occurred as follows: Tehuya, Tahuya, Tihuya, Roques de Jedey or Los Campanarios: VEI 2, 1585, 24×10⁶ m³, 400 ha, 84 days. San Martín, Tigalate or Tagalate: VEI 2, 1646, 26×10⁶ m³, 610 ha, 82 days. San Antonio: VEI 2, 1677-78, 66×10⁶ m³, 446 ha, 66 days. El Charco or Montaña Lajiones: VEI 2, 1712, 41×10⁶ m³, 535 ha, 56 days. San Juan (western vent of Llano del Banco and eastern craters of Nambroque, Hoyo Negro and Duraznero—the latter two jointly known as Las Deseadas): VEI 2, 1949, 51×10⁶ m³, 392 ha, 47 days. Teneguía: VEI 2, 1971, 31×10⁶ m³, 317 ha, 24 days. Tajogaite: VEI 3, 2021, 215×10⁶ m³, 1,237.3 ha, 85 days and 8 hours (Sept. 20 14:11 UTC—Dec. 13 22:22 UTC). Magmatic activity underneath Cumbre Vieja Partial fusion of the mantle occurs in the superior section of the upper mantle, between depths of 70 and 40 km. 3% magma is produced, and the remaining 97% is composed of peridotitic rock derived from the Earth's mantle. From 40 km upwards, the build-up of liquid rock is higher, with magma comprising about 10 to 15%. The rising diapirs intrude into fissures up until depths of 30 km, creating small magma pockets which exert an elevated pressure and create earthquakes. Between 30 and 15 km below the island, few earthquakes occur. Most earthquakes in La Palma are recorded between 15 and 10 km depth, at the Mohorovičić discontinuity, where the boundary between the oceanic crust and the Basal Complex of the island is located. A great concentration of magma is located here, which exerts high pressures on the oceanic crust and the insular edifice which fractures the crust and creates fissures, resulting in earthquakes. Landslide and mega-tsunami misconception Detailed geological mapping shows that the distribution and orientation of vents and feeder dykes within the Cumbre Vieja volcano have shifted from a triple rift system (typical of most volcanic ocean islands) to a single north–south rift. It is hypothesised that this structural reorganisation is in response to evolving stress patterns associated with the development of a possible detachment fault under the volcano's west flank. Such failures are due to the intrusion of parallel and sub-parallel dykes into a rift. This causes the flanks to become over-steep and this inevitably causes the structure of the volcano to become unstable to the point that catastrophic failure may occur, leading to a giant landslide along the detachment fault which trigger a potentially huge tsunami. There is no evidence beyond its surface expression that the 1949 section of the rift extends in a north–south direction, nor that there is a developing detachment plane. One such mega-tsunami resulted when ~3×10¹⁰ m³ of volcanic material collapsed, forming the Güímar Valle on Tenerife ~830 ka, leaving marine deposits located between 41 and 188 metres above sea level in the Agaete Valley of Gran Canaria. So, while it is true that such landslides have occurred in the past on most of the Canary Islands, it is important to note that these events are rare and occurred at large time intervals spanning many tens of thousands of years, and that it is almost impossible for a trans-oceanic mega-tsunami to be generated in the basin of the Atlantic Ocean by a failure of the western flank of the Cumbre Vieja. Unfortunately, most media are driven by sensationalism and report about it as if there was strong evidence that such a partial collapse of La Palma could occur in the somewhat near future—including potential horror scenarios such as mega-tsunamis devastating the east coast of the United States. There is, however, no scientific evidence to support this scenario. In fact, the section of the western flank of the Cumbre Vieja is far too stable to collapse within the next 10,000 years. The Güímar landslide is—reportedly—the only plausible source for the marine deposits in Gran Canaria’s Agaete Valley, but there is no indication that the tsunami propagated beyond Gran Canaria. In the worst-case scenario for La Palma, with the most massive slide that could happen, the waves would dissipate as they propagate into the Atlantic. A height of 40 m is predicted for some nearby island systems. For continents, the worst effects are in northern Brazil (13.6 m), French Guiana (12.7 m), Mid-Atlantic United States (9.6 m), Western Sahara (37 m), and Mauritania (9.7 m). This is not large enough to count as a mega-tsunami, with the highest prediction for Western Sahara comparable to the 2011 Japanese tsunami, so it would only be a mega-tsunami locally in the mid-Atlantic Ocean. Nevertheless, as was mentioned earlier, a failure of the western flank of Cumbre Vieja is extremely unlikely and probably impossible right now with the present-day geology. #tajogaite #cabezadevaca #montañarajada #cumbrevieja #lapalma #eruption #volcano

Scientific name: Gallotia goliath & G. auaritae Family: Lacertidae Snouth-to-vent length: 40-50 cm Total length: 120-150 cm Distribution: Tenerife, La Palma (respectively) Habitat: Xerophytic vegetation and thermophilous forests up to 900 m a.s.l. Origin category: Endemic species Conservation status: Extinct The genus Gallotia is endemic to the Canary Islands and it belongs to the subfamily Gallotiinae, the sister taxon of Lacertinae, which in turn has a much larger distribution—primarily Mediterranean but also spreading eastward into the Middle East and Central Asia, with one genus (Takydromus) in Far East and Southeast Asia. This subfamily only has two genera, Gallotia and Psammodromus (6 species), found in Europe and North Africa. It was once more widespread and present in the continent. This is attested by findings in Germany, where Miocene and Oligocene crown lacertids have been discovered, Pseudeumeces cadurcensis (ca. 30-20 Ma) and Janosikia ulmensis (22 Ma), respectively. These fossil taxa show that large body size was already achieved on the European mainland by the early Miocene. Around 23 Ma, the first islands of the Canary Islands started emerging, less than 100 km off the Moroccan coast. These islands lied right ahead of the Sous, Massa and Drâa river deltas in Western Morocco. Throughout millions of years, these three rivers carried floating logs that had lizards, turtles, rodents and other small animals on them, some of which were able to survive a voyage through the Atlantic Ocean onto the shores of the primitive Canary Islands. The genus Gallotia appeared shortly after the emersion of these first islands, and the last common ancestor of the giant lizards of the Canary Islands (of the G. intermedia/bravoana/simonyi clade) expanded 3 million years ago to La Gomera and the three islands that existed prior to the formation of Tenerife (Roque del Conde, Teno and Anaga). Finally, from La Gomera it reached El Hierro 850 thousand years ago. At present, Gallotia contains some of the largest lacertids in the world. However, several extinct species attained much larger sizes, even doubling the largest extant Canary giant lizards. There are at least two extinct giant lizards in the Canary Islands — G. goliath from Tenerife (a.k.a. G. maxima, a junior synonym) and Gallotia auaritae from La Palma. Remains of similarly sized lizards have been found on El Hierro and La Gomera, but those might simply be large ancestors of the extant lizards there — G. simonyi and G. bravoana (synonymous with G. gomerana) respectively, as occurred with G. stehlini in Gran Canaria which used to reach a greater size. It is possible that remains of extinct giant forms will eventually be discovered on Fuerteventura and Lanzarote. Tenerife Giant Lizard Gallotia goliath The Tenerife giant lizard, or G. goliath, inhabited the lower and middle parts of the island of Tenerife. It was not only the largest of all the so-called giant lizards of the Canary Islands but also the largest known lacertid of the fossil record, reaching a length of approximately 1,25 m (4 ft). It was most likely endemic to Tenerife and its closest living relative is probably G. intermedia, also from Tenerife. Overall, it was a big, sturdy lizard with strong, muscular legs and a proportionally short and thick tail. It had a very large and robust head broadened towards the base, which gave it a somewhat flattened look. They reached a snout-to-vent length of ~50 cm (19.6 in) and a total length of 120 to 125 cm (47.2-49.2 in), but based on the finding of a 13.5 cm (5.3 in) skull in 1952, there could have been even larger specimens. Primarily carnivorous as juveniles, they tended to become herbivorous as they grew and reached maturity, although they probably wouldn't have rejected an easy prey from time to time. Its jaws were capable of delivering a powerful bite, but this force was most likely used as a defense towards predators or to establish a dominance hierarchy between males. The dentary and maxilla beared tricuspid symmetrical teeth, as opposed to those of G. galloti, G. atlantica and G. caesaris, that have bicuspid or monocuspid cylindrical teeth. The numerous teeth gave it a saw-like appearance, which is comparable to that of iguanids, skinks and lacertids that have a plant-based diet. Due to the volcanic origin of the Canary Islands, they are mined with natural traps: lava tubes. Tenerife is home to Europe's largest lava tube and the 5th largest in the world, the Cueva del Viento-Sobrado caves. Lava tubes are conduits formed by flowing lava which moves beneath the hardened surface of a lava flow, because lava cools down first on the outside while the interior remains hot much longer. Tubes drain lava from a volcano during an eruption and get extinct when the lava flow ceases, leaving a long cave after the rock has cooled. Parts of the roof of the tube will then collapse under its own weight, and unfortunate animals like giant rats and lizards can fall into these crevices never to see the light of day again. However, these tubes offer the perfect environment for preservation of these animals, as well as natural mummification. Several mummified specimens of G. goliath have survived to our days. La Palma Giant Lizard Gallotia auaritae The La Palma giant lizard, or Gallotia auaritae, is endemic to La Palma. It owes its name to the aborigines of La Palma, the Benahoarites or Auarites, who used to hunt them for food. It reached similar lengths to that of G. goliath. From the structure of its skeleton, the La Palma giant lizard is known to be a large, robust lizard with well developed, muscular legs, and slightly shorter than G. goliath, reaching a snout-to-vent length of 40 to 44 cm (15.7-17.3 in). Male La Palma giant lizards are generally larger than females, with larger, sturdier heads. G. auaritae also had tricuspid and symmetrical teeth, but had considerably less maxillary and dentary teeth than similarly sized G. goliath from Tenerife, bearing between 18 and 33 teeth in the dentary. A low-resolution photograph of a lizard, claimed to be G. auaritae, was published in the Bulletin of the Spanish Herpetological Society (Mínguez et al., 2007; Boletín de la Asociación Herpetológica Española, 18, 11–13). Despite the unreliability of the evidence and that since 2007 there have been no new reports, IUCN has given credit to this supposed discovery, categorizing G. auaritae as Critically Endangered in the 2008 IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. The authors indicate that the photograph is not that of G. galloti palmae because the back is very dark and lacking any markings and the gular region is not blue. Nonetheless, the coloration in G. g. palmae is very variable and can present bright yellowish-green stripes on its back or have a dull coloration, similar to the case of G. galloti subspecies in Tenerife. The dull-colored variation of G. g. palmae strikingly resembles the lizard on the photo. Moreover, some blue is visible in the gular region and above the fore limbs. Evidence for its existence is no stronger than that for any cryptid such as the Loch Ness monster. Extinction Both Gallotia goliath and G. auaritae coexisted with the indigenous Berber peoples of the Canary Islands, since ca. the year zero when they arrived. The moment and reason for their extinction, on the other hand, are not clear. It might have happened shortly after the arrival of the Berbers from North Africa. The indigenous berbers introduced farm animals that could've produced their extinction. Additionally, the Benahoarites from La Palma are known to have hunted them for food, as attested by a burnt partial dentary and a maxilla found near an archaeological site, and are exclusively found associated with pottery fragments of Phase I which is dated to before Christ, and not with later, more advanced pottery. However, there's a small chance they might not have disappeared until recent times, since some testimonials survive from the 15th century of very large lizards, when the islands were being conquered by the Crown of Castile and settled by colonists. Gadifer de La Salle, a French knight and crusader who conquered and explored the Canary Islands with Jean de Béthancourt for the Kingdom of Castile, wrote in 1407: "The waters are good and there is a great number of animals, that is, pigs, goats and sheep. And there are many large lizards the size of a cat, but they are harmless and do not possess any venom." Even though the text could be speaking about the surviving lizards Gallotia stehlini, G. simonyi, G. bravoana and G. intermedia, these species were presumably only capable of achieving such sizes in prehistorical times. Only new discoveries will be able to shed light on this matter. Acknowledgements Dr. Carolina Castillo Ruiz, palaeontology professor at the University of La Laguna. Dr. Gloria Ortega Muñoz, entomologist and curator of the Museo de Naturaleza y Arqueología. Sources Fossil lizard from central Europe resolves the origin of large size and herbivory in giant Canary Islands lacertids. Čerňanský, Klembara & Smith. Zoological Journal of the Linnean Society, April 2016. Divergence times and colonization of the Canary Islands by Gallotia lizards. Cox, Carranza & Brown. Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution, August 2010. The signatures of Anthropocene defaunation: cascading effects of the seed dispersal collapse. Néstor Pérez-Méndez, Pedro Jordano, Cristina García & Alfredo Valido. Scientific Reports, December 2015. Discovery of mummified extinct giant lizards (Gallotia goliath, Lacertidae) in Tenerife, Canary Islands. Carolina Castillo, Juan C. Rando, & José F. Zamora. Bonner zoologische Beiträge, October 1994. External links Museo de Naturaleza y Arqueología Museo Arqueológico Benahoarita (Cabildo de La Palma) #gallotia #lizard #CanaryIslands #Gallotiagoliath #Gallotiaauaritae #Gallotiamaxima

The northern raven (Corvus corax) stands out among other birds because of its unequalled intelligence, adaptability and captivating personality. For this reason it has inspired legends around the world through the centuries, being considered a spiritual figure in various mythologies portrayed in very different ways, from an ill omen to the creator of the world. Its features allowed it to conquer much of the Northern Hemisphere, which makes it the most widely distributed corvid occupying an equally large variety of habitats. It is the most massive songbird (order Passeriformes), only rivaled by another corvid, the thick-billed raven (Corvus crassirostris) from the Ethiopian Highlands. Its call consists in a hoarse and potent "croa". The body is of a glossy black colour with green and purple-blue iridescence. Its large size does not hinder it, the large and fingered wings as well as the wedge-shaped tail make him very agile, performing acrobatic courtship flights during the mating season. This versatile opportunist can feed on virtually anything, from carrion and small animals to fruits and seeds. It usually travels alone or at most in pairs. However in the Canary Islands it abounds in El Hierro, where it forms large flocks. The nests are huge, since they must be capable of providing shelter to up to 7 chicks. The northern raven in the Canary Islands is endangered due to the use of pesticides that poisoned its food and prey. Now that the population showed a slight improvement in Fuerteventura, it has been unjustly and illogically accused of damaging crops and livestock. #CanaryIslands

The genus Gallotia is entirely endemic to the Canary Islands and it includes the Western Canaries lizard (Gallotia galloti). It is believed it appeared shortly after the emergence of the first islands of the archipelago 20 million years ago. The ancestors of the Western Canaries lizard then arrived 10 million years ago to the occidental islands, of a more recent origin. Consequently, this species belongs to the younger lineage of the genus. Four subspecies have been recognized, probably based on the large differences in color pattern in adult males: G. g. eisentrauti from northern Tenerife, G. g. galloti from central and southern Tenerife, G. g. insulanagae from the offshore Roque de Fuera de Anaga, and G. g. palmae from La Palma. Recently, it has been introduced to El Hierro and Fuerteventura, in Morro Jable. The upper part has small-sized scales and the belly has 12-14 rows of longitudinal scales. The color is variable, but in all subspecies the males have a black head, which highlights its yellow iris; and a dark-colored body with blue ocelli on its sides, which are larger on dominant males. Males from the windward side of the islands, i.e. the subspecies G. g. eisentrauti from northern Tenerife and the northern variety of G. g. palmae from La Palma, are more colorful than their southern counterparts, exhibiting a striking blue color that covers its neck, transversal yellowish green lines on its back and a reddish background on the posterior end of its body. It owes several local names to these traits, like «barbazul» in La Palma, which means “blue beard”, and «verdino» in Tenerife, meaning “bright green”. Females and juveniles have longitudinal brown lines on their back. Males are larger than females, and the largest sizes are attained by individuals from northern Tenerife. They are born insectivorous and their diet tends to become increasingly herbivorous as they grow. They themselves are preys of owls, kestrels and ravens. They thrive in nearly every habitat on La Palma and Tenerife. It is very common in rocky open shrublands and is less common in forested areas, like laurel forests. Their curious nature has allowed them to get used to human presence. A population from Cañadas del Teide accepts –and even steals– food from visitors. #lizard #gallotia #CanaryIslands

Cory’s shearwater is a migratory bird, almost completely pelagic (feeding in the open ocean), of a brownish-grey color with white underparts, save for the pattern of the underwing. It possesses pink legs and a notorious yellow bill. It used to be conspecific with Scopoli’s shearwater (Calonectris diomedea) but it reaches a greater size, becoming one of the largest marine birds of the Canary Islands. It’s an excellent glider and only flutters its wings in absence of wind. This species spends most of the time in the open ocean, and often travels to the Sahrawi coast just to feed. It holds its wings bowed and angled slightly back. They’re designed to exploit even the mildest of winds on the marine surface, allowing it to fly close to the water and easily dive up to 15 meters (50 ft) below the sea level in search of fish and squid. The flight technique of moving across wave fronts with minimum effort is called shearing, and it gives the entire group its English name. On the other hand, its generic name derives from the Ancient Greek καλός (kalós, “good”) and νηκτρίς (nektrís, “swimmer”) and alludes to this ability. Shearwaters belong to the order Procellariiformes. In English they are called tubenoses, due to a tube positioned along the culmen. This horny sheath, called the naricorn, coats the nostrils and salt glands, which allow these birds to drink seawater. All birds possess enlarged nasal glands at the base of the upper part of the mandible, but in tubenoses the gland is active. The sodium they ingest is absorbed into the blood plasma within the kidneys and is removed by the salt gland to be excreted through their specialized nostrils, creating salt-free water. Shearwaters are long-lived, living approximately 25 years. They form long-term pair bonds that are developped over several years and may last for the life of the pair. They are pelagic and come to islands and coastal cliffs only to breed, namely the Azores, the Berlengas Archipelago, Madeira, Selvagens Islands (biggest colony), and the Canary Islands. In February, 30.000 pairs arrive to the shores of the Canary Islands. At the colonial breeding sites they are active exclusively during the night, often emitting eerie raucous cackles (“eww-ew-ew-aa”). They nest in burrows and attend their single egg or chick only on night-time visits, preferably on moonless nights, to minimize predation by large gulls. Both the male and the female participate in incubating the egg and rearing the chick. However, once a chick fledges it no longer receives parental care. In autumn the parents abandon its chick and migrate to America or Madagascar. One week later, when hunger has motivated it enough, the fledgling decides to emerge from the burrow and to become self-sufficient. It will spend the following 7 years of its life without stepping on dry land, and it won’t return until it feels the call of the breeding season. At night, the Moon guides the fledglings, but they are confused by another type of lights: those of civilization. Excessive streetlights, over-illumination of buildings, car lights, etc. make hundreds of fledglings crash to the ground, from where they won’t be able to take off. Today they abound in the Canary Islands, but their number is decreasing, and invasive predators like cats and rats aggravate their decline. Fortunately, the work of the Rehabilitation Centers like Puntallana’s, that depends of the Environmental Department of the Cabildo of La Palma, greatly helps many animals like Cory’s shearwater. Sources Breaking the routine: individual Cory's shearwaters shift winter destinations between hemispheres and across ocean basins. Maria P. Dias, José P. Granadeiro, Richard A. Phillips, Hany Alonso & Paulo Catry. The Royal Society Publishing, November 2016. #shearwater #CanaryIslands #pardela

They’re the natural symbol of Tenerife and endemisms of the Canary Islands. They’re restricted to the pine tree forests of Tenerife and Gran Canaria between 800 and 2000 meters above sea level, feeding on pine nuts with their robust bills. They prefer pine tree forests with an undergrowth of Chamaecytisus proliferus or Adenocarpus foliolosus, the seeds of which are also part of its diet. There areas where the pine tree forests possess elements of monteverde forest, they share the habitat with the endemic subspecies of the common chaffinch (Fringilla coelebs canariensis) that, similarly, has evolved to have blue dorsal feathers. During the spring, they are attracted by the fruit-bearing high mountain shrubs from Cañadas del Teide. They’re solitary birds but often like to move in small groups. F. teydea from Tenerife is locally common, with over 1000 couples, but F. polatzeki from Gran Canaria is endangered at an estimated 250 couples and restricted to 2 different populations: the forest of Tamadaba in the north, and the forests of Ojeda, Pajonales and Inagua in the south. Inagua has unfortunately suffered a wildfire in 2007 that destroyed 18 775 ha of forest, being the core of its distribution, this nearly extinguished the species. It’s an elegant bird of a singular beauty; blue is an extremely rare color in nature and only a handful of animals sport blue in their coloration. But those that do, don't do halfway with blue. Some plants can produce blue pigments thanks to anthocyanins, but blue is incredibly rare in the animal kingdom, and most animals are unable to make true blue pigments. The only animal in the world known to be able to create a blue pigment is an uncommon butterfly: the Obrina olivewing (Nessaea obrinus). All the other blue colors in the animal kingdom are achieved through microscopic structures that cancel out light of most wavelengths by phasing out part of that light in a way that it is neutralized, only blue has the right wavelength for all of the reflected light to be in sync, resulting in a blue color. This is how blue chaffinches get their well-known coloration that has given them their name. The male of the species from Tenerife is strikingly colored, with a slate-blue bill and plumage, save for the vent and underwing coverts which are white, and the caudal, primary and secondary remiges which are black. The male of the species from Gran Canaria has more of a cinereous-blue coloration and with two characteristic white bands on its wing. The female of both subspecies is olive-green and therefore similar to the female of the common chaffinch, although lacking the white scapular feathers. This resemblance is due to the fact that they're very closely related to the common chaffinch, but they differ not only in coloration but also in their greater size. It is believed the ancestors of these two species arrived from North Africa in a wave prior to that of the common chaffinch. The song can be rather melodious, but it is usually a “chooey chooey” for F. teydea, and “ventooey” for F. polatzeki. #pinzónazul #fringillateydea #fringillapolatzeki #bluechaffinch

Scientific name: Acrostira euphorbiae Family: Pamphagidae Length: 67-71 mm (♀) and 30-31 mm (♂) Distribution: La Palma, Canary Islands, Spain Habitat: Scrubland of Euphorbia lamarckii, 40-680 m a.s.l. Origin category: Endemic Conservation status: Critically Endangered (CR) The La Palma stick grasshopper (Acrostira euphorbiae) is a large, highly specialized grasshopper endemic to the small island of La Palma (Canary Islands, Spain). It is considered one of the rarest insects in the world with its only known native habitat restricted to the southwestern part of the island. This once plentiful insect became severely threatened by the loss of its habitat. The habitat of this species consists of lithosols covered by xerophilous vegetation, namely E. lamarckii, located at an altitudinal range between 40-680 m. It selects preferably the areas of highest shrub density of E. lamarckii, and with soils lacking any high grass in which to bury their eggs. It is a monophagous species, exclusively feeding from the shrub on which it dwells, and is therefore also a bush-dwelling species, as opposed to most continental species that are mainly ground-dwelling. They are a macropterous species, with a low jumping capacity due to their poorly developed hind legs. Their camouflage, slow movements and elusive nature make them hard to find and observe. When approached, they will usually move around to the opposite side of the branch with as little movement as possible, keeping the trunk between them and their harasser, in the hopes of not being detected. Their size ranges from 30 to 71 mm, and females are twice the length of the males. Due to their size and limited mobility, in this species it is the females that emit mating calls to attract males, by using the alar-notal mechanism in which the ventral edge of the metanotum and the basalar sclerite are rubbed together. This behaviour is found exclusively in females to announce their reproductive receptivity to the males, and females usually have to produce a series of anomalous sounds before they can emit a perfect mating call. The majority of nymphs hatch one or two months after the first rains in autumn, when the vegetation is the lushest and offers the the best feeding and camouflage opportunities for the new generation. Its distribution is tiny, at around 20 km². The population size is likewise very small, about 200 mature individuals, all found in a single subpopulation, and is currently decreasing. From 2003 to 2008 the population decreased by 68%. There is a continuing decline in its distribution and extent and quality of its habitat; the only location of this species is strongly affected by illegal logging of its main food plant, wood harvesting, overgrazing by livestock, touristic recreation areas and wildfires. Besides these ongoing threats, its habitat is very likely to be destroyed by future landslides or volcanic eruptions. Therefore, the species is assessed as Critically Endangered (CR). #Acrostira #Acrostiraeuphorbiae #canaryislands #lapalma